Among the labels attached to Russian history in the 20th century, perhaps the most absurd were the mythologies about the kind grandfather Lenin and Tsar Nicholas the Bloody, although everything was exactly the opposite. If there was a bloody ruler in Russia, then Vladimir Ulyanov was it. But the story about him awaits us ahead. While in our story the year is 1905 and political role Lenin is close to zero. Cannons thunder on the hills of Manchuria Japanese war, and in Russia the hellish flames of revolution are boiling. And the bad day of January 9 is approaching - the day that gave rise to the monstrous myth about the bloody king and the good people's intercessors, the revolutionaries.
Russian Empire in 1905
Despite the enormous assistance provided by England and the Wall Street banking houses, Japan was unable to win the war. The enormous economic potential of Nicholas II's empire was beginning to show. The last assault on Port Arthur alone cost the Japanese 22 thousand people killed, among whom were both sons of the Japanese commander-in-chief of the fleet, Admiral Togo. The Russian military industry began to gain momentum.
The transfer of troops to the Far East was in full swing. By the beginning of 1905, only the Russian field army Far East numbered 300 thousand people and for the first time since the beginning of the war became more numerous than the Japanese. The total number of troops in the theater reached 1 million. Siberian Railway it now passed up to 14 pairs of trains a day, instead of 4 at the beginning of the war. Japanese losses in killed approached 90 thousand people, despite the fact that Russian losses were half as much. The Japanese economy was operating at its limit, despite more than $30 million in aid from Schiff and company. In today's money, this assistance would amount to at least $20 billion.
“Time worked in Russia’s favor; her powerful body should have had an effect - more powerful both militarily and financially” (S.S. Oldenburg “The Reign of Emperor Nicholas II”).
The army was confident of victory. Emperor Nikolai Alexandrovich also had no doubt about Japan’s defeat, fully aware of the difference in the potentials of Russia, which had just begun to awaken, and the land of the rising sun, which had already been strained by that moment. 1905 promised to be a year of victory and joy, but everything turned out differently.
Tsesarevich
At the height of the war in personal life A joyful event occurred for the sovereign: his long-awaited son, heir, Tsarevich Alexei Nikolaevich, was born. The joy of the parents knew no bounds, and the point was not only that after 4 daughters the king finally had a son, but also that his birth strengthened the internal position in the country and removed a possible struggle for the throne in the event of death or illness Nicholas II. However, the joy was soon overshadowed by the bitter news - the Tsarevich turned out to be sick with hemophilia. Any cut, bruise, or abrasion could lead to death. Since then, constant fear and anxiety for the little child appeared in the royal house. The serious illness of Tsarevich Alexei, the future royal martyr, although it brought incredible suffering, was only a physical illness.
Russian society was spiritually sick. The Russian elite did not want their country to win. The Russian intelligentsia sent greeting cards to the Japanese Emperor, rejoicing at Russian defeats and Russian deaths. The complex of negative self-perception in society bordered on a state similar to the state of a patient with sadomasochism. If even the highest officials were sick, as Danilovsky put it, with the “disease of foreignness,” that is, dislike for their Fatherland and admiration for everything foreign, then what can we say about the simple intelligentsia, infected with liberal ideology, and sometimes even Marxism. It is clear that in such a situation, Japanese intelligence had someone to rely on in our country.
Preparation of a bloody provocation
Russian intelligence became aware of the inter-party conference of Socialist Revolutionaries and Finnish radicals that took place in Geneva. It was decided to organize an armed uprising in St. Petersburg. The bet was placed on the figure of the so-called priest Gapon and his popularity among the workers of St. Petersburg. No peaceful demonstrations were planned. Work was underway to deliver large quantities of weapons to Russia. The Japanese intelligence officer Colonel Akashi was actively involved in this task. The Japanese General Staff rushed the revolutionaries with all their might.
“Work energetically. Find a shipping method. We must finish soon." (Colonel Akashi)
In 1905, a real Civil War. Its customers were American Jewish bankers, England, Japan and America itself. Revolutionary terrorist organizations and national separatists of all stripes were chosen as perpetrators. It is worth noting the fact that tsarist Russia, being a strong military and economic power, was absolutely unprepared to fight internal rebellions. Although Russian Empire liberals and communists called it a police state, but in reality it was not like that. The progressive intelligentsia dreamed of Western democracy without the police, although in Western countries the police apparatus was much more powerful than in the “prison of nations”, unloved by liberals.
« There were only 10,000 gendarmes in the entire Russian Empire. In Republican France, which was four times smaller in population than Russia, there were 36,000 gendarmes. They were exposed to such power that our police had never even dreamed of. (A.A. Kersnovsky “History of the Russian Army”).
At the end of 1904, approximately a week before January 9, later nicknamed Bloody Sunday, preparations began for a rebellion in St. Petersburg. On November 28, a meeting was held under the leadership of Rutenberg and chaired by Gapon, at which a general plan for the speech scheduled for January 9 was developed. The Socialist Revolutionary-Gapon plan was as follows: by organizing a strike at the Putilov plant, under the guise of a meeting of factory workers, to organize a general procession of the people to the Tsar. For purposes of camouflage, the demonstration must initially have been of a monarchical character, and the petition intended for delivery to the king must have been purely economic; and only at the last moment should radically revolutionary demands be made. Then, according to Rutenberg’s plan, clashes and a general uprising should have occurred, weapons for which were already available. Ideally, the king should have come out to the people. The conspirators planned to kill the king.
The Iskra newspaper drew a parallel between the events of January 9, 1905 in Russia and October 5-6, 1789 in France, when the demonstrators also wanted to see the monarch:
“The workers decided to gather in crowds of thousands at the Winter Palace and demand that the Tsar personally go out onto the balcony to accept the petition and swear that the demands of the people will be fulfilled. This is how they addressed their “ good king"Heroes of the Bastille and the March on Versailles! And then there was a “hurray” in honor of the monarch who appeared to the crowd at their request, but in this “hurray” sounded the death sentence of the monarchy.”
Strike at the Putilov plant
It all started with a provocation at the Putilov plant. During the Christmas holidays, a false rumor was spread among the plant workers about the dismissal of 4 people. A strike began at the factory. On January 3, Gapon arrived at the plant with a petition drawn up by the Socialist Revolutionaries with obviously unacceptable demands.
Let us recall that the strike at the Putilov plant, which was fulfilling an order for the Japanese front, began in war time. Try to imagine the strike in 1943 during the Great Patriotic War Patriotic War. What would happen to the strikers then? The answer is obvious - execution without trial or investigation. But in Tsarist Russia, called the “prison of nations,” negotiations begin with the workers. On January 4, the director of the Putilov plant accepts Gapon’s petition and responds as follows:
“For the Putilov plant, which carries out emergency orders for the Manchurian Army, the establishment of an 8-hour working day is hardly acceptable” (from the work “The Beginning of the First Russian Revolution”).
After this, using a meeting of factory workers, the Social Revolutionaries organized a wave of strikes. The strikes are organized according to a plan developed by Trotsky, who was still abroad at that time. The principle of chain transmission is used: workers from one striking plant rush into another and agitate for a strike; Threats and physical terror are used against those who refuse to go on strike.
“In some factories this morning, workers wanted to start work, but people from neighboring factories came to them and convinced them to stop work. After which the strike began” (Minister of Justice N.V. Muravyov).
Revolutionary petition
On January 8, at the general meeting of the Social Revolutionaries, a new, purely revolutionary petition was adopted, demanding the separation of church and state and the responsibility of ministers to the people. It was decided not to disclose this petition to the workers. The St. Petersburg mayor Foulon completely trusted Gapon and was not against the procession organized by the factory meeting of workers. But on January 8, a secret note from Kremenetsky appears at the police department:
“According to information received, revolutionary organizations intend to take advantage of the workers’ march expected for tomorrow... Socialist revolutionaries intend to take advantage of the disorder to plunder weapons stores. Today, during a meeting of workers in the Narva department, an agitator came there, but was beaten by the workers.”
The episode with the beating of the revolutionary agitator proves that the workers were deceived by the revolutionaries and Gapon and did not have any revolutionary sentiments, but were going to go to the tsar with purely economic demands. But the revolutionaries were preparing a bloody massacre for the people and the authorities using Japanese money.
“Gapon scheduled a procession to the Winter Palace for Sunday. Gapon proposes to stock up on weapons” (from a letter from the Bolshevik S.I. Gusev to V.I. Lenin).
On January 8, Gapon conveys political demands to Minister of Justice Muravyov. Muravyov is horrified... But Gapon is not arrested. At a meeting with the Minister of Internal Affairs Svyatopolk-Mirsky, it was decided not to allow workers into the center and to send troops into the city. Take control of power plants gas plants, Putilov plant and Syromyatnikov factory. Troops were allowed to use weapons only as a last resort.
But the revolutionaries needed blood. Gapon knew in advance what he was leading the workers to.
“A great moment is coming for all of us, do not grieve if there are casualties not in the fields of Manchuria, but here, on the streets of St. Petersburg. The shed blood will renew Russia” (Gapon “The Story of My Life”).
It is interesting that the Minister of Internal Affairs Svyatopolk-Mirsky, the Minister of Justice Muravyov, and the St. Petersburg mayor Fulon were afraid to report to the emperor about the impending manifestation and the Socialist Revolutionary conspiracy.
“Svyatopolk-Mirsky deceived the monarch. He considered it necessary to convince Nicholas II that calm had come to the capital” (F.M. Lurie “Zubatov and Gapon”).
January 9 (new style January 22) 1905 - important historical event V modern history Russia. On this day, with the tacit consent of Emperor Nicholas II, a 150,000-strong procession of workers who were going to present the Tsar with a petition signed by tens of thousands of St. Petersburg residents asking for reforms was shot.
The reason for organizing the procession to the Winter Palace was the dismissal of four workers of the largest Putilov plant in St. Petersburg (now the Kirov plant). On January 3, a strike of 13 thousand factory workers began, demanding the return of those fired, the introduction of an 8-hour working day, and the abolition of overtime work.
The strikers created an elected commission from workers to jointly with the administration examine the workers' grievances. Demands were developed: to introduce an 8-hour working day, to abolish compulsory overtime, to establish a minimum wage, not to punish strike participants, etc. On January 5, the Central Committee of the Russian Social Democratic Party (RSDLP) issued a leaflet calling on the Putilovites to extend the strike, and workers of other factories should join it.
The Putilovites were supported by the Obukhovsky, Nevsky shipbuilding, cartridge and other factories, and by January 7 the strike became general (according to incomplete official data, over 106 thousand people took part in it).
Nicholas II transferred power in the capital to the military command, which decided to crush the labor movement until it resulted in revolution. The main role in suppressing the unrest was given to the guard, it was reinforced by others military units Petersburg district. 20 infantry battalions and over 20 cavalry squadrons were concentrated at predetermined points.
On the evening of January 8, a group of writers and scientists, with the participation of Maxim Gorky, appealed to the ministers with a demand to prevent the execution of workers, but they did not want to listen to her.
A peaceful march to the Winter Palace was scheduled for January 9. The procession was prepared by the legal organization "Meeting of Russian Factory Workers of St. Petersburg" led by priest Georgy Gapon. Gapon spoke at meetings, calling for a peaceful march to the tsar, who alone could stand up for the workers. Gapon insisted that the tsar should go out to the workers and accept their appeal.
On the eve of the procession, the Bolsheviks issued a proclamation “To all St. Petersburg workers,” in which they explained the futility and danger of the procession planned by Gapon.
On January 9, about 150 thousand workers took to the streets of St. Petersburg. The columns led by Gapon headed towards the Winter Palace.
The workers came with their families, carried portraits of the Tsar, icons, crosses, and sang prayers. Throughout the city, the procession met armed soldiers, but no one wanted to believe that they could shoot. Emperor Nicholas II was in Tsarskoye Selo that day. When one of the columns approached the Winter Palace, shots were suddenly heard. The units stationed at the Winter Palace fired three volleys at the participants in the procession (in the Alexander Garden, at the Palace Bridge and at the General Staff Building). The cavalry and mounted gendarmes chopped down the workers with sabers and finished off the wounded.
According to official data, 96 people were killed and 330 wounded, according to unofficial data - more than a thousand killed and two thousand wounded.
According to journalists from St. Petersburg newspapers, the number of killed and wounded was about 4.9 thousand people.
The police buried those killed secretly at night in Preobrazhenskoye, Mitrofanyevskoye, Uspenskoye and Smolenskoye cemeteries.
The Bolsheviks of Vasilyevsky Island distributed a leaflet in which they called on workers to seize weapons and begin an armed struggle against the autocracy. Workers seized weapons stores and warehouses and disarmed the police. On Vasilyevsky Island The first barricades were erected.
On January 9, 1905, in the city of St. Petersburg, tsarist troops shot a peaceful procession of workers. They went to the king to present him with a petition with their demands. This event happened on a Sunday, so it went down in history as Bloody Sunday. It served as the impetus for the start of the revolution of 1905-1907.
Background
The mass procession of people did not just happen. It was preceded by a series of events in which the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Empire played an important role. On the initiative of the police department in 1903, it was created Meeting of Russian factory workers. The organization was legal, and its main task was to weaken the influence of various revolutionary movements on the working class.
At the head of the workers' organization, a special department of the Police Department placed a Russian priest Orthodox Church Georgy Apollonovich Gapon (1870-1906). This man was extremely proud. Very soon he imagined himself historical figure and leader of the working class. This was facilitated by the representatives of the authorities themselves, as they withdrew themselves from control, placing the workers' affairs under the full control of Gapon.
The nimble priest immediately took advantage of this and began to pursue his policy, which he considered the only true and correct one. According to the authorities, the organization they created was supposed to deal with issues of education, education, and mutual assistance. And the newly minted leader founded a secret committee. Its members began to become acquainted with illegal literature, studied the history of revolutionary movements and actively discussed plans to fight for the political and economic interests of workers.
Georgy Apollonovich enlisted the support of the Karelin spouses. They came from a social democratic environment and had great authority among the workers. With their direct assistance, the Assembly of Russian Factory Workers significantly increased its numbers. In the spring of 1904, the organization already numbered several thousand people.
In March 1904, a secret program, the so-called “program of five,” was adopted. It contained clear economic and political demands. They formed the basis of the petition with which the workers went to the Tsar on January 9, 1905.
Very soon the Karelin spouses took a leading position in the Assembly. They had many of their own people, and they organized a kind of opposition. She began to play much more important role than the leader of the organization. That is, Gapon turned into a convenient cover, which his leaders from the Police Department did not even realize.
However, Georgy Apollonovich himself was an energetic and purposeful person, so he cannot be considered as a puppet in the hands of the Karelins. He lacked experience revolutionary struggle, authority among the working masses, but he quickly learned and acquired the necessary skills.
At the end of November 1904, he put forward a proposal to contact the authorities with a labor petition. This proposal was supported by a majority of votes. Accordingly, the authority of Georgy Apollonovich grew, and the number of members of the organization began to grow even faster. In January 1905 it already numbered 20 thousand people.
At the same time, the clergyman’s initiative gave rise to serious disagreements among like-minded people. The Karelin spouses and their supporters insisted on the immediate submission of a petition, and Gapon believed that first it was necessary to organize an uprising, show the strength of the masses, and only after that demand economic and political freedoms. Otherwise, the Assembly will be closed and the leaders will be arrested.
All this extremely strained the relationship between the Karelins and Georgy Apollonovich. The couple began to actively campaign for the overthrow of the leader. It is not known how all this would have ended, but circumstances intervened.
Incident at the Putilov plant
In early December 1904, 4 workers were fired at the Putilov plant. These are Fedorov, Ukolov, Sergunin and Subbotin. All of them were members of the Assembly. They were fired by master Tetyavkin for production violations. But rumors quickly spread among the workers that people were expelled from the plant because they belonged to the Assembly.
All this reached Gapon, and he stated that this dismissal was a challenge to him personally. The assembly is obliged to protect its members, otherwise it is worthless. It was decided to send 3 delegations. The first one is to Smirnov, the director of the plant. The second to Chizhov, the inspector supervising the plant. And the third to Fullon, the mayor.
A resolution with demands was approved. This is the reinstatement of those fired and the dismissal of master Tetyavkin. In case of refusal, it was planned to start a mass strike.
Deputations came to Smirnov and Chizhov on December 28 and received a categorical refusal. The third deputation was met the next day by Mayor Fullon. He was polite, helpful and promised to provide all possible assistance.
Fullon spoke personally with Witte about the unrest at the Putilov plant. But he decided not to make concessions to the working class. On January 2, 1905, Gapon and his like-minded people decided to start a strike, and on January 3, the Putilov plant stopped. At the same time, leaflets with a list of economic demands to the authorities began to be distributed at other factories.
After the start of the strike, Georgy Apollonovich, at the head of the delegation, came to the director of the plant, Smirnov. The economic demands were read to him, but the director replied that he refused to fulfill them. Already on January 5, the strike began to cover other factories in the capital, and Gapon decided to address his demands directly to the emperor. He believed that only the king could resolve this issue.
On the eve of Bloody Sunday
The revolutionary priest believed that many thousands of workers should have come to the royal palace. In this case, the sovereign was simply obliged to consider the petition and somehow respond to it.
The text of the petition was read to all members of the Assembly. Everyone who heard her signed the appeal. By the end of the day on January 8 there were more than 40 thousand. Gapon himself claimed that he had collected at least 100 thousand signatures.
Familiarization with the petition was accompanied by speeches with which Georgy Apollonovich spoke to people. They were so bright and sincere that the listeners fell into ecstasy. People swore that they would come to Palace Square on Sunday. Gapon's popularity in these 3 days before the bloody events reached unimaginable heights. There was a rumor that he was the new messiah, sent by God to liberate the common people. At one word from him, plants and factories where thousands of people worked stopped.
At the same time, the leader called for people to go to the procession without any weapons, so as not to give the authorities a reason to use force. It was also forbidden to take alcohol with you and indulge in hooligan behavior. Nothing should have disturbed the peaceful procession to the sovereign. They also appointed people whose duty it was to guard the king from the moment he appeared before the people.
However, the organizers of the peaceful demonstration became increasingly convinced that the emperor would not appear before the workers. Most likely, he will send troops against them. This scenario was more likely. The use of weapons by troops was also allowed. But there was no turning back. On the eve of January 9, the city froze in anxious anticipation.
The Tsar and his family left St. Petersburg for Tsarskoe Selo on the evening of January 6. On the evening of January 8, the Minister of Internal Affairs convened an urgent meeting. It was decided not only not to allow workers into Palace Square, but also into the city center. It was decided to place military outposts along the route of the demonstration, and to use force in case of excesses. But no one had any thoughts of organizing a mass bloodbath. Officials believed that the mere sight of armed soldiers would frighten the workers, and they would be forced to go home. However, everything did not work out as planned in advance.
In the early morning of January 9, 1905, workers began to gather in their areas on the Vyborg, St. Petersburg side, behind the Nevskaya and Narvskaya outposts, in Kolpino, on Vasilyevsky Island. The total number of demonstrators numbered about 140 thousand people. This entire mass of people moved in several columns towards Palace Square. There the columns were supposed to unite by 2 o'clock in the afternoon and wait for the sovereign to come out to them.
The emperor had to accept the petition, and its delivery was entrusted to Gapon. At the same time, it was planned that the tsar would immediately sign 2 decrees: on the amnesty of political prisoners and on the convening of the Constituent Assembly. If Nicholas II had agreed to this demand, then the rebellious clergyman would have come out to the people and waved a white handkerchief. This would serve as a signal for nationwide celebration. In case of refusal, Gapon had to wave a red handkerchief, which would mean a signal for an uprising.
On the evening of January 8, troops from the St. Petersburg Military District began arriving in the capital of the empire. Already at night on January 9 combat units took up fighting positions. In total there were about 31 thousand cavalry and infantry. You can also add 10 thousand police officers here. Thus, the government turned more than 40 thousand people against the peaceful demonstration. All the bridges were blocked by military detachments, and cavalrymen rode along the streets. In a few hours the city turned into a huge military camp.
Chronology of events
Workers of the Izhora plant from Kolpino moved to Palace Square first, since they had to travel the greatest distance. At 9 o'clock in the morning they linked up with the workers of the Nevskaya Zastava. On the Shlisselburg tract their road was blocked by the Cossacks of the Ataman Regiment. There were about 16 thousand workers. There were two hundred Cossacks. They fired several volleys of blank cartridges. The crowd fled, broke the fence separating the street from the Neva, and moved further along the ice of the river.
On Vasilyevsky Island, workers set off at 12 noon. There were approximately 6 thousand of them. The Cossacks and infantry blocked their road. A mounted detachment of Cossacks wedged itself into the crowd. People were chopped down with swords, lashed with whips, trampled by horses. The human mass retreated and began to build barricades from fallen telegraph poles. Red flags appeared from somewhere.
The soldiers opened fire and captured one barricade, but by this time the workers had already built another. Before the end of the day, the proletarians erected several more barricades. But they were all captured by troops, and the rebels were shot at with live ammunition.
At the Narva outpost, Gapon came to the assembled workers. He put on the full vestments of a priest. A huge crowd of 50 thousand gathered in this place. People walked with icons and portraits of the king. Troops blocked their path at the Narva Gate. At first, the peaceful procession was attacked by grenadiers, but the horsemen did not frighten the huge mass of people. Then the infantry began to shoot. The soldiers fired five salvos and the crowd began to disperse. The dead and wounded were left lying in the snow. In this skirmish, one of the bullets wounded Gapon in the arm, but he was quickly taken away from the fire.
On the St. Petersburg side the crowd reached 20 thousand people. People walked in a dense mass, holding hands. The Pavlovsky regiment blocked their road. The soldiers started shooting. Three salvos were fired. The crowd wavered and flowed back. The dead and wounded were left lying in the snow. Cavalry was sent after the fleeing people. Those who were caught up were trampled by horses and chopped down with sabers.
But on the Vyborg side there were no casualties. Cavalry was sent to meet the procession. She dispersed the crowd. People, fleeing from the horses, crossed the Neva across the ice and continued their journey to the city center in small groups.
Despite the continuous military barriers, by noon a significant mass of people had gathered on Palace Square. They managed to penetrate into the city center in small groups. In addition to the workers, the crowd included many onlookers and passers-by. It was Sunday, and everyone came to see how the rebel people would present their petition to the king.
In the second hour of the day, mounted detachments tried to disperse the crowd. But people joined hands and insults were hurled towards the soldiers. The Preobrazhensky Regiment entered the square. The soldiers lined up and, on command, took their guns at the ready. The officer shouted to the crowd to disperse, but the crowd did not move. The soldiers fired 2 volleys at the people. Everyone started running. The dead and wounded were left lying in the square.
A huge crowd crowded on Nevsky Prospekt. By 2 o'clock in the afternoon the entire avenue was clogged with workers and onlookers. Cavalry detachments did not allow them to get to Palace Square. At 3 o'clock in the afternoon, volleys were heard from the direction of Palace Square. This made people angry. Stones and pieces of ice were thrown at the cavalrymen. They, in turn, tried to cut the crowd into pieces, but the horsemen did not succeed well.
At 4 o'clock a company of the Semenovsky regiment appeared. She began to push back the demonstrators, but met fierce resistance. And then the order came to open fire. A total of 6 volleys were fired at people. Local clashes continued until late in the evening. The workers even built a barricade, blocking Nevsky. Only at 11 pm the demonstrators were dispersed and order was restored on the avenue.
Thus ended Bloody Sunday. As for losses, a total of 150 people were killed and several hundred were wounded. The exact numbers are still unknown, and data from different sources varies significantly.
The yellow press put the figure at more than 4 thousand killed. And the government reported 130 killed and 299 wounded. Some researchers are of the opinion that at least 200 people were killed and approximately 800 were injured.
Conclusion
After the bloody events, Georgy Gapon fled abroad. In March 1906, he was strangled by the Socialist Revolutionaries at one of the dachas near St. Petersburg. His body was discovered on April 30. The dacha was rented by the Socialist-Revolutionary Pyotr Rutenberg. Apparently, he lured the former labor leader to the dacha. The failed leader was buried in the capital's Assumption Cemetery.
On January 10, 1905, the sovereign dismissed the mayor Fullon and the Minister of Internal Affairs Svyatopolk-Mirsky. On January 20, the Tsar received a delegation of workers and expressed sincere regret about what happened. At the same time, he condemned the mass procession, saying that it was a crime for a rebellious crowd to go to it.
After Gapon disappeared, the workers lost enthusiasm. They went to work and the mass strike ended. But this was only a short respite. In the near future, new victims and political upheavals awaited the country.
There are still people who cannot forgive Nicholas II for “Bloody Sunday.” Not everyone knows that on this day the Emperor was in Tsarskoe Selo, and not in the capital, that he did not give the order to shoot at the workers and physically could not have received the delegation “from the people.” Moreover, the Emperor was criminally misinformed about what was happening in the capital.
Sometimes those who know that the Tsar was not in St. Petersburg claim that he deliberately “hid from the people” and “was obliged to come and accept the petition.” For many, even among the Orthodox, the thought of January 9 is not compatible with the thought of the holiness of the Tsar.
Is the king responsible?
In the “Materials related to the issue of canonization of the royal family” (published by the Synodal Commission for the Canonization of Saints in 1996, hereinafter they are referred to as “Materials”), a separate detailed article is devoted to the tragedy of January 9, in the conclusion of which it states: “The sovereign bore the burden of moral responsibility before God for all the events that took place in the state entrusted to him,” thus, the share of responsibility for the tragic events of January 9, 1905 lies with the emperor. The Emperor, as we will see, did not leave her. It is worth keeping in mind that the “Materials” were published as a separate book: “He forgave everyone... Emperor Nicholas II. Church o royal family" St. Petersburg, 2002
“However,” says the “Materials,” “this share of responsibility cannot be compared with the moral and historical guilt for the voluntary or involuntary preparation or failure to prevent the tragedy of January 9, which falls on such historical figures as, for example, the ejected priestly rank G. Gapon or dismissed from the post of Minister of Internal Affairs P.D. Svyatopolk-Mirsky." Nicholas II can be blamed for the appointment of the latter to the specified post or for the fact that this person was not removed from his post in a timely manner. If only such a reproach were not - set the teeth on edge - as knowledge for the king of what he should have done.
Minister of "trust"
In mid-July 1904, Minister of Internal Affairs V.K. was killed by a terrorist. Plehve. The Emperor did not immediately decide who would replace him. The appointment took place only at the end of August 1904. On the part of the emperor, it was obviously a maneuver, since, unlike the conservative Plehve, P.D. Svyatopolk-Mirsky was known for his liberal attitude. And the autumn of 1904 went down in the history of liberalism in Russia as the “spring of Svyatopolk-Mirsky,” who openly declared the need for trusting relations between the government and society. It was a time of social ferment in Russia. Everywhere in “society”, under one pretext or another, there were speeches about the need for changes, about the need for a constitution. A zemstvo congress was held in St. Petersburg, which did not receive permission for its opening from Nicholas II and received... the secret permission of P.D. Svyatopolk-Mirsky, who made it clear to the assembled delegates that he would turn a blind eye to its holding. The congress unanimously adopted the liberal declaration and presented it, to the latter’s great embarrassment, to “his” minister. The Emperor was outraged, but did not accept the minister’s resignation.
When it was already known that a demonstration of unprecedented scale was planned, the Minister of Internal Affairs reassured himself and others with the words that an explanation would be enough: the Tsar was not in the capital. And then the people will disperse peacefully... And the help of the troops, they say, is only needed to prevent a crush in the city center. On the evening of January 8, 1905, P.D. Svyatopolk-Mirsky arrives in Tsarskoe Selo and reports to the Tsar about the situation in the capital. He assures him that, despite the huge number of workers on strike, the situation does not give rise to serious concerns, does not say not a word about the upcoming march of workers to the Winter Palace, about calling troops to the capital and about plans to resist the demonstration with armed force. And, returning to St. Petersburg, quite late in the evening, he holds a government meeting about plans for the next day...
Fit figure
The tragedy was inevitable. For, thanks to the inspired (I would like to say: infernally inspired) activity of Georgy Gapon in the previous days, tens of thousands of workers gathered the next day to go to the Tsar as the only intercessor...
Georgii_Gapon_portret_1905_g..JPG) |
Name of Georgy Gapon for a long time associated with the label “provocateur,” his personality was considered unworthy of attention. And “Materials”, and the book by I. Ksenofontov “Georgy Gapon: Fiction and Truth” (M., 1997), and the recently published book by M. Pazin “Bloody Sunday. Behind the scenes of the tragedy" (M., 2009) present priest G. Gapon as a very extraordinary and gifted person. WITH youth he felt compassion for working people and thought about how to help them in action. Such aspirations were sincere in Georgy Apollonovich, his compassion was genuine, otherwise he would not have been able to attract hearts as much as he undoubtedly could. But, alas, his best feelings were combined with vanity and exorbitant ambition. Possessing also an artistic gift, he knew how to win the trust of both ordinary people and high-ranking officials. A merciful and thoughtful view of this man was expressed by the modern Orthodox historian Father Vasily Sekachev, who published the article “The Tragedy of Priest Gapon” in the Neskuchny Sad magazine on the occasion of the 100th anniversary of Bloody Sunday. Indeed, “woe to him through whom temptation comes.” Georgy Gapon was a very suitable figure for the provocateur of the human race, whose “special assignment” he carried out very diligently.
Gapon’s main brainchild was the “Meeting of Russian Factory Workers of St. Petersburg,” a legal organization created to provide mutual assistance between workers and conduct various cultural and educational events for workers. The historian S. Oldenburg was not entirely fair, who clearly considered Gapon to have sided with the revolution. Gapon did not know what he wanted, he was not loyal either to the authorities or to the revolutionaries who penetrated his circle (it was the Socialist-Revolutionaries who killed him in 1906), he just wanted to be visible, which is why it was inevitable "level". A certain “secret five” that led the “Assembly” consisted of opposition-minded people associated with both the Social Democrats and, possibly, the Social Revolutionaries. The police oversight is blatant; but this is where Gapon’s artistry showed: the authorities trusted him completely.
The idea of a procession to the king
Nevertheless, the January 9 march can hardly be considered a provocation systematically prepared by the revolutionaries. There was preparation, there was also spontaneity. Another thing is that in September 1904, a congress of opposition forces of the Russian Empire had already taken place in Paris (with Japanese money!), one of the decisions of which was to use every crisis to create revolutionary situation. However, such a “gift” to leftist forces as “the tsar’s shooting of a peaceful demonstration” became possible largely thanks to the inspired activity of Georgy Gapon. Concentrating attention on the tsar, arousing general hopes for the tsar, “barred by officials” from the people, appealing personally to the tsar... - all this was Gapon’s creative demagoguery. As a result, simple-minded people went to “see the Tsar”, dressed in clean clothes, taking their children with them... None of the activists of the revolutionary movement not only loved (naturally) the Tsar, but also did not pay attention to the love for him and the faith in him of the common people. Gapon knew who he was addressing.
In the mentioned book, I Ksenofontov cites the memoirs of Karelin, one of the members of the “secret five”, a Social Democrat, dating back to the autumn of 1904: “We silently introduced the idea of presenting a petition at every meeting in every department” ( we're talking about about the departments of the “Meeting of Factory Workers”). The same Karelin testified that Gapon initially had a negative attitude towards the idea of performing. But at the beginning of November 1904, he realized that he had to choose. To the questions “When will we perform?” he answered that a big strike was needed, that it was necessary to wait for the fall of Port Arthur, and perhaps his answers were excuses for himself, delays of what he had foreseen...
 |
On December 21, Port Arthur fell. And at the end of December, a reason for a big strike arose: four workers, members of the “Assembly,” were allegedly fired at the Putilov plant. Only one of the workers was actually fired (!), but lies piled up on lies, excitement grew, and the demands regarding fellow workers became “economic demands,” among which were obviously impossible ones, such as an 8-hour working day ( unthinkable in wartime at a factory that carried out military orders) or free medical care not only for workers, but also for members of their families. The strike grew, sometimes spontaneously, sometimes not at all spontaneously. Activists from a striking enterprise came to a working enterprise and forced workers (for example, by threats of beatings) to quit their jobs. How this happened is described in detail in the mentioned book by M. Pazin, as well as in the book by P. Multatuli “The Lord Strictly Visits Us with His Wrath... Emperor Nicholas II and the Revolution of 1905-1907.” (M., 2003).
By January 6, several tens of thousands of workers were on strike. The text of the petition was already basically ready; on this day Gapon traveled from one department of the “Assembly” to another and made speeches, explaining to the workers the essence of the demands that were formulated on their behalf. He performed at least 20 times. It was on this day that he expressed the idea of going to the Tsar “with the whole world” on Sunday. The workers received it with enthusiasm.
Petition or ultimatum?
The text of the petition is given in the book by M. Pazin. It is worth getting to know her to understand why the Emperor ignored her and spoke directly about the rebellion. It is only in Russian history textbooks that they still write that the workers wanted to convey to the Tsar “their needs and aspirations.” Written in the unsightly style of a “cry,” the petition first contains a description of the rejection of workers by their employers, the assertion that laws only protect the lack of rights of workers, that Russia is perishing under a “bureaucratic government,” etc. This is followed, for example, by a passage: “Is it possible to live under such laws? Isn't it better for all of us who work to die? Let the capitalists and officials live and enjoy.” Further: “This is what led us to the walls of your palace. Here we are looking for the last salvation. Do not refuse to help your people, bring them out of the grave of lawlessness...etc.” What do the “workers” see as a way out? In the Constituent Assembly, no more, no less, for, as the petition says, “it is necessary that the people themselves help themselves and govern themselves.” The Tsar is asked: “Immediately ordered to convene representatives of the Russian land... Ordered that elections to the Constituent Assembly take place under the condition of universal, secret and equal voting. This is our most important request, everything is based on it and on it, this is the main and only plaster for our wounds.” Thirteen more points followed: all freedoms, responsibility of ministers “to the people,” political amnesty, abolition of all indirect taxes, and even “cessation of the war by the will of the people.” The petition ended with the words: “Command and swear to fulfill them... If you don’t command, don’t respond to our request, we will die here on this square in front of your palace.” The devilish “texture” permeates all this “crying”. We will feel the same texture in the description of Gapon’s speeches, who proposed (what a dream!) to personally enter the palace to the tsar and hand him a special copy of the petition, printed on the best paper: “Well, I’ll submit a petition to the tsar, what will I do if the tsar will he accept her? Then I will take out a white scarf and wave it, this means that we have a king. What should you do? You must disperse to your parishes and immediately elect your representatives to the Constituent Assembly. Well, if the king does not accept the petition, what will I do then? Then I will raise the red banner, this means that we do not have a king, that we ourselves must get our rights”... Such a peaceful procession! Here, in anticipation of the further story, it is appropriate to note that one of the columns in the procession on January 9 was simply revolutionary, it did not carry portraits of the Tsar, but with red flags.
9_janvarja_1905_g._shestvie_-_viden_portret_Imperatora.jpg) |
It was different
About 150 thousand people took part in the demonstration. Columns walked towards the city center from different ends, they were met by troops blocking the way, despite this, the columns continued to march, after the third warning the troops began to shoot, and only then did the people scatter. There are memories that the warning horn was not heard. But there are also memories that the column continued to move not only after warnings, but also after the first shots. This meant the presence of “animators” in it, encouraging further movement. Moreover, it happened that someone from the column was the first to shoot at the troops. These were also not workers, but revolutionaries or students who had infiltrated the column. The resistance to the troops on Vasilyevsky Island was especially serious. Barricades were built here. Here they threw bricks at the troops from a house under construction, and also fired from it.
In the resulting situation, much depended on specific people. Often (many evidence of this can be found in the books of M. Pazin and P. Multatuli) the troops behaved very restrained. Thus, the most famous sketch by K. Makovsky for the painting “January 9, 1905 on Vasilyevsky Island,” where a spiritual-looking man tears his clothes, offering to shoot at him, had a prototype in reality, only the man who tore his clothes behaved hysterically and screamed senselessly , no one shot at him, they treated him good-naturedly. It happened (for example, on Moskovsky Prospekt or near the Alexander Nevsky Lavra) that the column calmly stopped in front of the troops, listened to persuasion and dispersed. There were examples of brutality on the part of the military. There are memories of E. Nikolsky about Colonel Riman, on whose orders they shot without warning at people who had nothing to do with the procession, and in general about the terrible impressions of that day. But the behavior of Captain Litke is also known, whose company tried to prevent the gathering of a raging crowd in the area of the Kazan Cathedral. Stones, sticks, pieces of ice were thrown at his soldiers, and they were showered with insults. Litke, however, restrained his subordinates and preferred to retreat to a secluded place, without trying to solve problems by force. He did not immediately manage to clear Nevsky Prospekt, dispersing the crowd with rifle butts “due to its stubbornness and bitterness,” as he wrote in the report. The crowd that had gathered near the bars of the Alexander Garden was especially aggressive; they shouted insults at the military, shouted, whistled, and shouted “shoot” in response to warnings about shots fired. After repeated peaceful attempts and three bugle warnings sounded at intervals, shots were fired, the crowd fled, leaving about 30 people dead and wounded on the spot.
According to official statistics, a total of 128 people were killed (including a police officer) and 360 were injured (including military personnel and police officers). According to the Bolshevik historian V. Nevsky, who witnessed the events of January 9, 1905, from 150 to 200 people were killed. And some authors (for example, Edward Radzinsky) and in textbooks still write that there were thousands of victims.
The king found out in the evening
Nicholas II wrote in his diary: “Hard day! Serious riots occurred in St. Petersburg as a result of the workers’ desire to reach the Winter Palace. The troops had to shoot in different places of the city, there were many killed and wounded. Lord, how painful and difficult!”
The sovereign found a man who restored, although not immediately, order in the capital. It was D.F. Trepov, who became governor-general of the capital. On January 18, a meeting of ministers was held regarding the events that took place, chaired by Witte. A proposal was put forward for a manifesto that would express grief and horror in connection with the tragedy of January 9, and would also indicate that the Emperor did not know about the expected march of the people to the palace and that the troops were not acting on His orders. However, the Tsar agreed with the opinion of Count Solsky, who said at the meeting that the troops could not act without the orders of the Tsar. The emperor did not want to relieve himself of responsibility and rejected the idea of a manifesto. He instructed D.F. Trepov assembled a delegation of workers from different factories, which he received on January 19.
“You allowed yourself to be misled and deceived by traitors and enemies of our Motherland,” said the Emperor. -... I know that the life of a worker is not easy. Much needs to be improved and streamlined. But for a rebellious crowd to tell Me about their needs is criminal.” At the initiative of the emperor, a commission was created to clarify the needs of the workers with the participation of elected representatives from among them. The electors gathered and... put forward a number of political demands! The commission never started its work.
The triumph of those who were looking for a reason
In his book “At the Turn of Two Epochs,” Bishop Veniamin (Fedchenkov) wrote about January 9: “Here faith in the Tsar was shot (but not yet shot). I, a man of monarchical sentiments,<…>felt a wound in my heart<…>charm with the king fell.<…>Faith in the power of the king and this system has fallen.” What can we say about people who are not monarchist-minded? The slogan “Down with autocracy!” and so it was already, as they say, well known. Now the slander against the king could and did reach its apogee. No one believed (and now, sometimes, no one believes!) that the Tsar was not in the capital on January 9. They wanted to believe and believed that the tsar himself did not want to accept a peaceful delegation from the workers with a peaceful presentation of their needs and aspirations, but gave the order to shoot at the people. This account of events has become so generally accepted that it is still taught this way (the author of this article knows this from a young Italian I know well) in Italian schools. At the same time, the French left-wing satirical magazine “L'Assiette au Beurre” (literally “a plate of butter”, “a profitable place”) published a caricature of Nicholas II, where the Tsar was holding the more than one-year-old Tsarevich in his arms (who, in fact, was five months old) and with pleasure shows him Palace Square with a mass of executed people.
Osip Mandelstam wrote for a provincial newspaper on the 17th anniversary of the tragedy, i.e. in 1922, an article entitled "The Bloody Mystery of January 9." This article contains the following phrase: “Any child’s hat, mitten, woman’s scarf, pitifully thrown on that day in the St. Petersburg snows, remained a reminder that the Tsar must die, that the Tsar will die.” It is unlikely that the poet remembered the executed royal children or felt malicious satisfaction from the fulfilled revenge; he rather wrote about the “mystery of retribution.”
No one cared about the tsar’s meeting with the workers, nor about the tsar’s allocation of a large sum of money (50,000 rubles) for the needs of families who suffered on January 9, nor about the government commission on the needs of the workers, nor about what was already in the magazine “Byloe” in 1906 (N1) an article appeared with a truthful and detailed account of the events of January 9, 1905. Let's hope that at least now there are people who want to know the truth about those events.
Important problem national history beginning of the twentieth century - was the first Russian revolution of 1905-1907, and therefore the entire revolutionary era, the result of deep-seated social problems, or a tragic misunderstanding that threw Russia down the slope of history?
The key event that is at the center of this debate is Bloody Sunday. The consequences of this event for subsequent history are enormous. In the capital of the Russian Empire, the blood of workers was suddenly shed, which undermined the trust of the broad masses in the autocracy.
Power: imitation of “public dialogue”
The history of the demonstration on January 9, 1905 stems from two historical circumstances: the “spring of Svyatopolk-Mirsky” and the attempts of supporters of the autocracy to establish contacts with the working class.
After the assassination of the Minister of Internal Affairs V.K. on July 15, 1904 by the Socialist Revolutionaries. Plehve new minister P.D. Svyatopolk-Mirsky preferred to pursue a more liberal policy. He prepared a draft of reforms that involved the creation of a legislative parliament. Public gatherings were allowed. The liberal intelligentsia began to organize banquets that attracted the public. At these banquets toasts were made to the constitution and parliamentarism. The Congress of Zemstvo Leaders also advocated the election of deputies from the people and the transfer of part of their legislative powers to them.
Following the intellectuals, the workers also became more active. The formation of the labor movement at the very beginning of the century was facilitated by the police. In 1898-1901, the head of the Moscow security department, Sergei Vasilyevich Zubatov, managed to convince his leadership that the autocracy could rely on the workers in the fight against the liberal intelligentsia and the bourgeoisie.
In 1902, Zubatov headed Special department Police Department and began to encourage the creation of “Zubatov” workers’ organizations throughout the country. In St. Petersburg, the “Mutual Aid Society of Mechanical Production Workers of St. Petersburg” was created. “Zubatov’s” organizations were primarily engaged in organizing cultural leisure, and in case of contradictions with employers, they turned to the official authorities, who looked into the matter and sometimes supported the workers.
But sometimes “Zubatovites” took part in strikes. It became clear that the labor movement was getting out of control. Plehve demanded that Zubatov “stop all this,” and in 1903 he dismissed Zubatov, accusing him of involvement in organizing the strike movement and other sins. “Zubatov’s” organizations disintegrated, the workers’ activists came under the control of opposition socialists.
Gapon: democracy from below
But in St. Petersburg the movement survived thanks to the activities of the young priest Georgy Apollonovich Gapon, whom Zubatov attracted to propaganda among the workers. Gapon gained wide popularity among them.
In 1904, on the initiative of Gapon with the approval of the authorities (including the St. Petersburg mayor I.A. Fullon), a large labor organization- Meeting of Russian factory workers. On February 15, Plehve approved its charter, believing that this time the situation would be under control.
Having learned about Gapon's ideas, the officials who patronized him refused to provide further support to the meeting. But the Social Democrats collaborated with Gapon.
Work on the organization's program began in March 1904. To force the monarchy to make concessions, Gapon planned to hold a general strike and, if necessary, even an uprising, but only after careful preparation, expanding the work of the assembly to other cities. But events got ahead of his plans.
On January 3, 1905, members of the assembly led a strike at the Putilov plant. The reason for the strike was the dismissal of four workers - members of the organization. They decided not to abandon their own. Discussing this case, the leaders of the meeting came out to discuss the intolerable conditions in which Russian workers find themselves. At first, Gapon and his comrades tried to resolve the matter peacefully, but the plant administration and government officials rejected their proposals. The strikers responded by putting forward broader demands, including an 8-hour working day, the abolition of overtime, increased wages for unskilled workers, improved sanitation, etc. The strike was supported by other metropolitan enterprises.
Gapon's petition: last chance for the monarchy
Gapon and his associates decided to draw the tsar’s attention to the troubles of the workers - to bring the masses of workers to a demonstration on Sunday, January 9, to come to the Winter Palace and present Nicholas II with a petition with workers’ demands.
The text of the petition was written by Gapon after a discussion with the opposition intelligentsia, primarily Social Democrats and journalists (S. Stechkin and A. Matyushensky). The petition was written in the style of a church sermon, but contained contemporary social and political demands of the time.
The document spoke about the plight of people who create the country’s wealth with their labor:
“We are impoverished, we are oppressed, burdened with backbreaking labor, we are abused, we are not recognized as people, we are treated like slaves who must endure our bitter fate and remain silent.
We have endured, but we are being pushed further into the pool of poverty, lawlessness and ignorance, we are being strangled by despotism and tyranny, and we are suffocating. There is no more strength, sir! The limit of patience has come. For us, that terrible moment has come when death is better than continuation of unbearable torment.”
But under the existing order, there is no way to resist oppression through peaceful means: “And so we quit work and told our employers that we would not start working until they fulfilled our demands. We asked for little, we wanted only that without which there would be no life, but hard labor, eternal torment.
Our first request was that our hosts discuss our needs with us. But we were denied this. We were denied the right to talk about our needs, finding that the law does not recognize such a right for us...
Sire, there are many thousands of us here, and these are all people only in appearance, only in appearance - in reality, we, as well as the entire Russian people, are not recognized with a single human right, not even the right to speak, think, gather, discuss needs, take measures to improve our situation. We were enslaved, and enslaved under the auspices of your officials, with their help, with their assistance. Any of us who dared to raise our voices in defense of the interests of the working class and the people are thrown into prison and sent into exile. They are punished as if for a crime, for a kind heart, for a sympathetic soul...”
The petition called on the king to destroy the wall between him and his people by introducing popular representation. “Representation is necessary, it is necessary for the people themselves to help themselves and govern themselves. After all, he alone knows his true needs. Do not push away his help, accept it, they commanded immediately, now to call on representatives of the Russian land from all classes, from all classes, representatives and from workers. Let there be a capitalist, a worker, an official, a priest, a doctor, and a teacher - let everyone, no matter who they are, elect their representatives. Let everyone be equal and free in the right to vote, and for this purpose it was ordered that elections to the constituent assembly take place under the condition of universal, secret and equal voting.
This is our most important request, everything is based on it and on it; this is the main and only plaster for our painful wounds, without which these wounds will ooze heavily and quickly move us towards death.”.
Before its publication, the petition included demands for freedom of speech, the press, separation of church and state, and an end to the Russo-Japanese War.
Among the measures proposed by the petition “against people’s poverty” are the abolition of indirect taxes, replacing them with progressive taxation, and the creation of a controversial issues with entrepreneurs of elected working commissions at enterprises, without whose consent dismissals are impossible. The workers asked to “reduce the number of working hours to 8 per day; set the price for our work together with us and with our consent, resolve our misunderstandings with the lower administration of the factories; increase wages for unskilled workers and women for their work to one ruble per day, abolish overtime work; treat us carefully and without insults; arrange workshops so that you can work in them, and not find death there from terrible drafts, rain and snow.” It would seem that normal working conditions. But for Russia at the beginning of the twentieth century, these demands were revolutionary.
If these problems were far-fetched, then the petition describing the severe social crisis at Russian enterprises would not have found widespread support. But the workers in 1905 did not live in the ideal “Russia that we lost,” but in really, extremely difficult conditions. Several tens of thousands of signatures were collected in support of the petition.
The petition left Nicholas II the opportunity for a compromise: “Look carefully at our requests without anger, they are directed not towards evil, but towards good, both for us and for you, sir. It’s not insolence that speaks in us, but the awareness of the need to get out of a situation that is unbearable for everyone.”. This was a chance for the monarchy - after all, the tsar’s support of the people’s demands could sharply increase his authority and lead the country along the path of social reforms and the creation of a social state. Yes - at the expense of the interests of the propertied elite, but ultimately - and for the sake of its well-being, too, according to the principle: “Give up the rings, otherwise your fingers will be cut off.”
Amendments to the document were made until January 8, after which the text was printed in 12 copies. Gapon hoped to present it to the Tsar if the workers’ delegation was allowed to see him. Georgy Apollonovich did not rule out that the demonstration could be dispersed, but the very fact of putting forward an opposition program on behalf of the mass movement was important.
Execution: a turn towards disaster
However, Nicholas II did not intend to meet with workers' representatives. His style of thinking was deeply elitist. Crowds of people frightened him. Moreover, the crowd could have been led by revolutionaries (and they really were surrounded by Gapon). What if they storm the palace? The day before, an unpleasant misunderstanding occurred in the capital - a cannon that fired fireworks in the presence of Nicholas II turned out to be loaded with a live shell. Was there any intent for a terrorist attack here? The Emperor left the capital on the eve important events. He could have met with Gapon and a small delegation, but did not take this chance. Order must remain unshakable, despite any trends of the times. This logic led the Russian Empire to disaster.
The tragic decision to respond to the march of the people with violence was made not only by Nicholas II, in this regard it was natural. Gapon tried to convince the Minister of Justice N.V. of the correctness of his political program. Muravyova. On the evening of January 8, at a meeting at Svyatopolk-Mirsky, the ministers, Fullon and other high-ranking officials decided to stop the workers armed force. The Emperor sanctioned this decision. They were going to arrest Gapon, but this could not be done. All approaches to the center of St. Petersburg were blocked by troops.
On the morning of January 9, hundreds of thousands of workers moved from the outskirts of the capital to the Winter Palace. At the front of the columns, demonstrators carried icons and portraits of the Tsar. They hoped that the king would listen to them and help ease their workload. Many understood that participation in a prohibited demonstration was dangerous, but they were ready to suffer for the workers’ cause.
Having encountered chains of soldiers blocking the way, the workers began to persuade them to skip the demonstration to the Tsar. But the soldiers were ordered to control the crowd - the capital's governor feared that the demonstrators could start riots and even seize the palace. At the Narva Gate, where Gapon was at the head of the column, the workers were attacked by cavalry, and then fire was opened. Moreover, the workers tried to move forward after that, but then fled. The army opened fire in other places where columns of workers were marching, as well as in front of the Winter Palace, where a large crowd had gathered. At least 130 people were killed.
Gapon, who was in the forefront of the demonstrators, miraculously survived. He issued a proclamation cursing the king and his ministers. On this day, the king was cursed by thousands of people who had previously believed in him. For the first time in St. Petersburg, so many people were killed at once, who at the same time expressed loyal feelings and went to the Tsar “for the truth.” The unity of the people and the monarch was undermined.
Rumors of “Bloody Sunday” on January 9 spread widely across the country, and protest strikes broke out in other cities. In St. Petersburg, workers built barricades on the Vyborg side and tried to resist the troops.
However, the strikes soon stopped; many people justified the emperor, blaming the tsar’s entourage and rebel provocateurs for the January tragedy. Nicholas II met with representatives of monarchist-minded workers and took a number of minor measures to ease working conditions. But this did not help restore the authority of the regime. A real revolution, the first in Russian history, gradually began in the country. Unrest broke out here and there. The imperial administration did not draw proper conclusions from the events of January 9 and responded to the mass movement with repression. And this only inflamed passions.
“Bloody Sunday” was only an impetus for a long-pending revolutionary process, the cause of which was the socio-economic crisis and the lag of political transformations behind social changes.
At the beginning of the twentieth century, the main crises facing the country were commonly called “issues.” The main reasons for the outbreak of revolutions in 1905 and 1917 were labor and agrarian issues, also burdened national issue(the problem of the development of various ethnic cultures in a multinational state in the context of modernization) and the lack of effective feedback between government and society (the problem of autocracy).
Their decision was the resurrection of Russia, the old social structure which she was dying. Alas, because of selfishness, intransigence and slowness Russian authorities the solution to these problems went through turmoil. The problems in the twentieth century were solved by other forces and other elites, but the resurrection turned out to be bloody.
Red Chronicle. L., 1925. No. 2. P. 33-35.
Ksenofontov I.N. Georgy Gapon: fiction and truth. M., 1996.
Pazin M."Bloody Sunday". Behind the scenes of the tragedy. M., 2009.
