The Siberian kingdom was abolished, and the Tobolsk province during 1780-1782 was transformed into the Tobolsk governorship consisting of two regions (Tobolsk and Tomsk), which became part of the Perm and Tobolsk governor-general.
Creation of the province
Emperor Paul I, who ascended the throne, revised many of his mother’s reforms, including abandoning the institution of governor generals. In this regard, on December 12, 1796, the Tobolsk province was formed as an independent administrative unit of Russia by a personal decree given to the Senate “On the new division of the State into Gubernias” (December 12, 1796 No. 17634).
Subsequent transformations
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In turn, the new Emperor Alexander I, who replaced Paul, revised many of his father’s reforms, and therefore, in 1802, the Tobolsk province, along with Irkutsk, became part of the Siberian Governor-General. In 1822, the Siberian General Government was divided into West Siberian and East Siberian. The Tobolsk province became part of the West Siberian General Government, which existed until 1882.
Further transformations
In 1917, after the Bolsheviks came to power, there was the first attempt to organize the Kalachinsky district from part of the Tyukalinsky district for convenient management of the remote south-eastern territories of the province. The first member of the food committee of the Kalachinsky district was Yakov Martynovich Kalnin, a Latvian poet and teacher. During 1917-1919, in vicissitudes Civil War, the district was liquidated more than once and re-created by different authorities, transferred from the Tobolsk province to the Akmola (Omsk) region.
On February 1-10, 1918, the First Extraordinary Session of the Tobolsk Provincial Zemstvo Assembly took place, which resolved a number of urgent issues, including:
- About the separation of the Kalachinsky district from the Tyukalinsky district (the issue was resolved positively);
- On the separation of Tarsky and Tyukalinsky districts from the Tobolsk province to the Akmola region (the final decision was postponed until the next session with the obligation of the provincial zemstvo government to submit a detailed report on this issue);
- On the transfer of the provincial zemstvo government from Tobolsk to another city in the province (transfer to Tyumen was fundamentally recognized as necessary);
In September 1918, Omsk raised the issue of the withdrawal of the Tyukalinsky district and the newly created, unrecognized by Tobolsk, Kalachinsky district.
On March 13, in Tyumen, 150 mobilized rebels rebelled, armed themselves with rifles seized from a warehouse and began to riot in the city. I order the riot to be suppressed with the most brutal measures and all rebels captured with weapons to be shot on the spot without any trial. Urgently report to me about the execution and the number of those executed. No. 0809/OP.
Commander of the Siberian Army, Lieutenant General Gaida.
Headquarters of the Siberian General Staff, Major General Bogoslovsky.
Tobolsk province was officially renamed Tyumen province by a special resolution of the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR dated March 2, 1920.
Symbolism
The coat of arms of the Tobolsk province was approved on July 5, 1878:
“In the golden shield is a scarlet ataman’s mace, on which is Ermak’s black shield, round, decorated with precious stones, between two scarlet banners placed indirectly crosswise with black shafts and spear points. The shield is crowned with the Imperial crown and surrounded by golden oak leaves connected by St. Andrew’s ribbon.”
Population
In 1846, there were 831,151 residents of both sexes in the province. The province ranked 35th in population in the Russian Empire.
| District | Russians | Tatars | Ukrainians | Khanty | Komi | Nenets | Mansi | Latvians | Kyrgyz |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Province as a whole | 88,6 % | 4,0 % | 2,6 % | 1,3 % | … | … | … | … | … |
| Berezovsky | 17,5 % | … | … | 51,8 % | 9,4 % | 20,7 % | … | … | … |
| Ishimsky | 93,8 % | … | 3,3 % | … | … | … | … | … | … |
| Kurgan | 98,8 % | … | … | … | … | … | … | … | … |
| Surgutsky | 27,8 % | … | … | 71,7 % | … | … | … | … | … |
| Tarski | 85,7 % | 9,0 % | 2,9 % | … | … | … | … | … | … |
| Tobolsk | 77,0 % | 17,6 % | … | 1,8 % | … | … | … | … | … |
| Turin | 93,2 % | … | … | … | … | … | 5,1 % | … | … |
| Tyukalinsky | 81,9 % | … | 9,5 % | … | … | … | … | 1,4 % | 2,5 % |
| Tyumen | 87,3 % | 10,1 % | … | … | … | … | … | … | … |
| Yalutorovsky | 94,8 % | 2,9 % | … | … | 1,3 % | … | … | … | … |
The religious composition was dominated by Orthodox Christians - 89.0%. 5.1% were Old Believers and “deviating from Orthodoxy”, 4.5% were Muslims. 11.3% were literate (men - 17.7%, women - 5.0%).
Administrative division
| № | County | County town | Square, verst² |
Population (), people |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Berezovsky | Berezov (1301 people) | 604442,2 | 29190 |
| 2 | Ishimsky | Ishim (14226 people) | 37604,6 | 367066 |
| 3 | Kurgan | Kurgan (39,854 people) | 20281,6 | 359223 |
| 4 | Surgutsky | Surgut (1602 people) | 220452,4 | 11561 |
| 5 | Tarski | Tara (11229 people) | 71542,1 | 268410 |
| 6 | Tobolsk | Tobolsk (23357 people) | 108296,0 | 147719 |
| 7 | Turin | Turinsk (2821 people) | 67008,6 | 96942 |
| 8 | Tyukalinsky | Tyukalinsk (2702 people) | 55049,3 | 344601 |
| 9 | Tyumen | Tyumen (56668 people) | 15608,0 | 171032 |
| 10 | Yalutorovsky | Yalutorovsk (3835 people) | 18944,9 | 216792 |
Governor's leadership
First leaders
Governors (1796-1917)
| FULL NAME. | Title, rank, rank | Time to fill a position |
|---|---|---|
| Tolstoy Alexander Grigorievich | 1796-28.07.1797 | |
| Koshelev Dmitry Rodionovich | State Councillor | 28.07.1797-20.03.1802 |
| Hermes Bogdan Andreevich | actual state councilor | 1802-1806 |
| Kornilov Alexey Mikhailovich | actual state councilor | 1806-12.1807 |
| Shishkov Mikhail Antonovich | actual state councilor | 1808-02.04.1810 |
| Brin Franz Abramovich | actual state councilor | 26.07.1810-28.07.1821 |
| Osipov Alexander Stepanovich | actual state councilor | 08.1821-12.12.1823 |
| Turgenev Alexander Mikhailovich | State Councillor | 12.12.1823-03.1825 |
| Bantysh-Kamensky Dmitry Nikolaevich | actual state councilor | 03.1825-30.07.1828 |
| Nagibin Vasily Afanasyevich | State Councilor, acting. d. | 30.07.1828-19.02.1831 |
| Somov Pyotr Dmitrievich | State Councillor | 19.02.1831-17.10.1831 |
| Job vacancy | 17.10.1831-30.10.1832 | |
| Muravyov Alexander Nikolaevich | State Councilor, Chairman of the Provincial Board, acting governor |
30.10.1832-21.12.1833 |
| Job vacancy | 21.12.1833-05.05.1835 | |
| Kopylov Vasily Ivanovich | State Councillor | 05.05.1835-23.06.1835 |
| Kovalev Ivan Gavrilovich | actual state councilor | 23.06.1835-25.06.1836 |
| Povalo-Shveikovsky Christopher Khristoforovich | State Councilor, acting. d. | 06.07.1836-17.02.1839 |
| Talyzin Ivan Dmitrievich | actual state councilor | 17.02.1839-18.06.1840 |
| Ladyzhensky Mikhail Vasilievich | actual state councilor | 18.06.1840-03.03.1844 |
| Engelke Kirill Kirillovich | actual state councilor | 04.04.1845-04.03.1852 |
| Prokofiev Tikhon Fedotovich | actual state councilor | 04.03.1852-16.03.1854 |
| Artsimovich Viktor Antonovich | Kammer-junker (actual state councilor) | 16.03.1854-27.07.1858 |
| actual state councilor | 20.03.1859-23.11.1862 | |
| Despot-Zenovich Alexander Ivanovich | actual state councilor | 23.11.1862-28.07.1867 |
| Chebykin Porfiry Vasilievich | major general | 28.07.1867-10.07.1868 |
| Sollogub Andrey Stepanovich | major general | 10.07.1868-24.08.1874 |
| Pelino Yuri Petrovich | 29.11.1874-01.01.1878 | |
| Lysogorsky Vladimir Andreevich | actual state councilor (privy councilor) | 07.06.1878-17.02.1886 |
| Troinitsky Vladimir Alexandrovich | actual state councilor | 06.03.1886-10.12.1892 |
| Bogdanovich Nikolai Modestovich | State Councilor, acting. d. | 10.12.1892-08.03.1896 |
| Knyazev Leonid Mikhailovich | actual state councilor | 12.04.1896-29.01.1901 |
| Lappo-Starzhenetsky Alexander Pavlovich | actual state councilor | 29.01.1901-28.12.1905 |
| Gondatti Nikolay Lvovich | actual state councilor | 13.01.1906-19.09.1908 |
| Gagman Dmitry Fedorovich | State Councillor | 19.09.1908-08.02.1912 |
| Stankevich Andrey Afanasyevich | actual state councilor | 08.02.1912-11.11.1915 |
| Ordovsky-Tanaevsky Nikolai Alexandrovich | actual state councilor | 13.11.1915-1917 |
Revolutionary leaders (1917-1919)
- Pignatti, Vasily Nikolaevich (1917-1918) Chairman of the Committee of Public Peace, provincial commissar, (1918-1919) governor of the Tobolsk province
- Khokhryakov, Pavel Danilovich (1918), Chairman of the Provincial Council
Second leaders
Lieutenant Governors (1796-1823)
| FULL NAME. | Title, rank, rank | Time to fill a position |
|---|---|---|
| Koshelev Dmitry Rodionovich | State Councillor | 1796-28.07.1797 |
| Kartvelin Nikolay Mikhailovich | State Councillor | 28.07.1797-18.07.1799 |
| Odin Nikolai Mikhailovich | State Councillor | 18.07.1799-1802 |
| Steingel Ivan Ferdinandovich | State Councillor | 1802-1808 |
| Minin Gavriil Vasilievich | collegiate advisor | 1808-1810 |
| Raskazov Nikolay Evdokimovich | collegiate advisor | 1810-1813 |
| Nepryakhin Fedor Petrovich | collegiate councilor (state councilor) | 1813-1823 |
Chairmen of the provincial government (1824-1895)
| FULL NAME. | Title, rank, rank | Time to fill a position |
|---|---|---|
| Zhukovsky Nikolay Vasilievich | collegiate advisor | 01.02.1824-19.01.1829 |
| Serebrennikov Grigory Stepanovich | collegiate advisor | 19.01.1829-06.02.1830 |
| Kirilov Pyotr Ivanovich | collegiate advisor | 06.02.1830-06.09.1831 |
| Kopylov Vasily Ivanovich | State Councillor | 26.09.1831-24.10.1831 |
| Muravyov Alexander Nikolaevich | State Councillor | 25.06.1832-21.12.1833 |
| Deineko Ivan Ignatievich | collegiate advisor | 24.10.1835-12.03.1840 |
| Sokolov | court councilor | 12.03.1840-11.08.1842 |
| Dubetsky Joseph Petrovich | collegiate advisor | 11.08.1842-28.02.1844 |
| Vladimirov Alexander Nikolaevich | collegiate advisor | 28.02.1844-20.05.1852 |
| Vinogradsky Alexander Vasilievich | State Councillor | 20.05.1852-11.08.1855 |
| Milordov Nikolai Petrovich | actual state councilor | 11.08.1855-23.12.1858 |
| Sokolov Mikhail Grigorievich | collegiate advisor | 23.12.1858-08.04.1863 |
| Kurbanovsky Mikhail Nikolaevich | State Councillor | 08.04.1863-10.03.1872 |
| Zalessky Pyotr Matveevich | collegiate councilor (actual state councilor) | 10.03.1872-27.02.1881 |
| Dmitriev-Mamonov Alexander Ippolitovich | court councilor | 27.02.1881-08.08.1885 |
| Severtsov Dmitry Alekseevich | 19.12.1885-13.07.1891 | |
| Baron, collegiate advisor | 27.07.1891-01.11.1895 |
Lieutenant Governors (1895-1917)
| FULL NAME. | Title, rank, rank | Time to fill a position |
|---|---|---|
| Fredericks Konstantin Platonovich | baron, state councilor | 01.11.1895-25.04.1896 |
| Protasyev Nikolay Vasilievich | actual state councilor | 25.04.1896-23.03.1902 |
| Troinitsky Alexander Nikolaevich | collegiate advisor | 30.05.1902-05.04.1908 |
| Gavrilov Nikolay Ivanovich | State Councilor (actual State Councilor) | 05.04.1908-1917 |
Assistants of the Tobolsk Provincial Commissar
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Notes
Literature
- / Ed. V. P. Petrova. - Tyumen, 2003. - P. 13, 24-57. - 304 s. - 1,000 copies - ISBN 5-87591-025-9.
- Atlas of geographical maps, statistical tables, species and types of Tobolsk province. Publication of the Tobolsk provincial book warehouse. Printing house of the diocesan brotherhood. Tobolsk 1917.
- - M.: United edition of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia, 2003. - Part 2. - P. 76-78.
- - M.: United edition of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia, 2003. - Part 3. - P. 78.
- Kaufman A. A., Latkin N. V., Richter D. I.// Encyclopedic Dictionary of Brockhaus and Efron: in 86 volumes (82 volumes and 4 additional). - St. Petersburg. , 1890-1907.
- Description of the Tobolsk province. - Petrograd: Publication of the Resettlement Administration, 1916. - P. 78.
- Tobolsk diocese: Part one. Description of the area occupied by the Tobolsk diocese in geographical, historical and ethnographic terms. - Omsk: Printing house of A.K. Demidov, 1892.
- Department one. Geographical and topographical information about the Tobolsk province. - 99 s.
- Division two. Historical and ethnographic information about the Tobolsk province; Division three. About the Akmola and Semipalatinsk regions, which are part of the Tobolsk diocese. - 79 s.
- . - Tobolsk: Tobolsk Provincial Statistical Committee, 1912.
- Siberian and Tobolsk governors: Historical portraits, documents / resp. per issue I. F. Knapik. - Tyumen: Tyumen Publishing House, 2000. - 576 p. - ISBN 5-928800-08-8.
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An excerpt characterizing the Tobolsk province
- When it’s time for your wife to give birth, send to Moscow for an obstetrician... So that he is here.The old prince stopped and, as if not understanding, stared with stern eyes at his son.
“I know that no one can help unless nature helps,” said Prince Andrei, apparently embarrassed. – I agree that out of a million cases, one is unfortunate, but this is her and my imagination. They told her, she saw it in a dream, and she is afraid.
“Hm... hm...” the old prince said to himself, continuing to write. - I'll do it.
He drew out the signature, suddenly turned quickly to his son and laughed.
- It's bad, huh?
- What's bad, father?
- Wife! – the old prince said briefly and significantly.
“I don’t understand,” said Prince Andrei.
“There’s nothing to do, my friend,” said the prince, “they’re all like that, you won’t get married.” Do not be afraid; I won't tell anyone; and you know it yourself.
He grabbed his hand with his bony little hand, shook it, looked straight into his son’s face with his quick eyes, which seemed to see right through the man, and laughed again with his cold laugh.
The son sighed, admitting with this sigh that his father understood him. The old man, continuing to fold and print letters, with his usual speed, grabbed and threw sealing wax, seal and paper.
- What to do? Beautiful! I'll do everything. “Be at peace,” he said abruptly while typing.
Andrei was silent: he was both pleased and unpleasant that his father understood him. The old man stood up and handed the letter to his son.
“Listen,” he said, “don’t worry about your wife: what can be done will be done.” Now listen: give the letter to Mikhail Ilarionovich. I am writing to tell you to good places used it and did not hold it as an adjutant for a long time: a nasty position! Tell him that I remember him and love him. Yes, write how he will receive you. If you are good, serve. Nikolai Andreich Bolkonsky’s son will not serve anyone out of mercy. Well, now come here.
He spoke in such a rapid-fire manner that he did not finish half the words, but his son got used to understanding him. He led his son to the bureau, threw back the lid, pulled out the drawer and took out a notebook covered in his large, long and condensed handwriting.
“I must die before you.” Know that my notes are here, to be handed over to the Emperor after my death. Now here is a pawn ticket and a letter: this is a prize for the one who writes the history of Suvorov’s wars. Send to the academy. Here are my remarks, after me read for yourself, you will find benefit.
Andrei did not tell his father that he would probably live for a long time. He understood that there was no need to say this.
“I will do everything, father,” he said.
- Well, now goodbye! “He let his son kiss his hand and hugged him. “Remember one thing, Prince Andrei: if they kill you, it will hurt my old man...” He suddenly fell silent and suddenly continued in a loud voice: “and if I find out that you did not behave like the son of Nikolai Bolkonsky, I will be ... ashamed!” – he squealed.
“You don’t have to tell me this, father,” the son said, smiling.
The old man fell silent.
“I also wanted to ask you,” continued Prince Andrei, “if they kill me and if I have a son, do not let him go from you, as I told you yesterday, so that he can grow up with you... please.”
- Shouldn’t I give it to my wife? - said the old man and laughed.
They stood silently opposite each other. The old man's quick eyes were directly fixed on his son's eyes. Something trembled in the lower part of the old prince’s face.
- Goodbye... go! - he suddenly said. - Go! - he shouted in an angry and loud voice, opening the office door.
- What is it, what? - asked the princess and princess, seeing Prince Andrei and for a moment the figure of an old man in a white robe, without a wig and wearing old man’s glasses, leaning out for a moment, shouting in an angry voice.
Prince Andrei sighed and did not answer.
“Well,” he said, turning to his wife.
And this “well” sounded like a cold mockery, as if he was saying: “Now do your tricks.”
– Andre, deja! [Andrey, already!] - said the little princess, turning pale and looking at her husband with fear.
He hugged her. She screamed and fell unconscious on his shoulder.
He carefully moved away the shoulder on which she was lying, looked into her face and carefully sat her down on a chair.
“Adieu, Marieie, [Goodbye, Masha,”] he said quietly to his sister, kissed her hand in hand and quickly walked out of the room.
The princess was lying in a chair, M lle Burien was rubbing her temples. Princess Marya, supporting her daughter-in-law, with tear-stained beautiful eyes, still looked at the door through which Prince Andrei came out, and baptized him. From the office one could hear, like gunshots, the often repeated angry sounds of an old man blowing his nose. As soon as Prince Andrei left, the office door quickly opened and the stern figure of an old man in a white robe looked out.
- Left? Well, good! - he said, looking angrily at the emotionless little princess, shook his head reproachfully and slammed the door.
In October 1805, Russian troops occupied the villages and towns of the Archduchy of Austria, and more new regiments came from Russia and, burdening the residents with billeting, were stationed at the Braunau fortress. The main apartment of Commander-in-Chief Kutuzov was in Braunau.
On October 11, 1805, one of the infantry regiments that had just arrived at Braunau, awaiting inspection by the commander-in-chief, stood half a mile from the city. Despite the non-Russian terrain and situation (orchards, stone fences, tiled roofs, mountains visible in the distance), despite the non-Russian people looking at the soldiers with curiosity, the regiment had exactly the same appearance as any Russian regiment had when preparing for a review somewhere in the middle of Russia.
In the evening, on the last march, an order was received that the commander-in-chief would inspect the regiment on the march. Although the words of the order seemed unclear to the regimental commander, and the question arose how to understand the words of the order: in marching uniform or not? In the council of battalion commanders, it was decided to present the regiment in full dress uniform on the grounds that it is always better to bow than not to bow. And the soldiers, after a thirty-mile march, did not sleep a wink, they repaired and cleaned themselves all night; adjutants and company commanders counted and expelled; and by morning the regiment, instead of the sprawling, disorderly crowd that it had been the day before during the last march, represented an orderly mass of 2,000 people, each of whom knew his place, his job, and of whom, on each of them, every button and strap was in its place and sparkled with cleanliness . Not only was the outside in good order, but if the commander-in-chief had wanted to look under the uniforms, he would have seen an equally clean shirt on each one and in each knapsack he would have found the legal number of things, “sweat and soap,” as the soldiers say. There was only one circumstance about which no one could be calm. It was shoes. More than half the people's boots were broken. But this deficiency was not due to the fault of the regimental commander, since, despite repeated demands, the goods were not released to him from the Austrian department, and the regiment traveled a thousand miles.
The regimental commander was an elderly, sanguine general with graying eyebrows and sideburns, thick-set and wider from chest to back than from one shoulder to the other. He was wearing a new, brand new uniform with wrinkled folds and thick golden epaulettes, which seemed to lift his fat shoulders upward rather than downwards. The regimental commander had the appearance of a man happily performing one of the most solemn affairs of life. He walked in front of the front and, as he walked, trembled at every step, slightly arching his back. It was clear that the regimental commander was admiring his regiment, happy with it, that all his mental strength was occupied only with the regiment; but, despite the fact that his trembling gait seemed to say that, in addition to military interests, the interests of social life and the female sex occupied a significant place in his soul.
“Well, Father Mikhailo Mitrich,” he turned to one battalion commander (the battalion commander leaned forward smiling; it was clear that they were happy), “it was a lot of trouble this night.” However, it seems that nothing is wrong, the regiment is not bad... Eh?
The battalion commander understood the funny irony and laughed.
- And in Tsaritsyn Meadow they wouldn’t have driven you away from the field.
- What? - said the commander.
At this time, along the road from the city, along which the makhalnye were placed, two horsemen appeared. These were the adjutant and the Cossack riding behind.
The adjutant was sent from the main headquarters to confirm to the regimental commander what was said unclearly in yesterday's order, namely, that the commander-in-chief wanted to see the regiment exactly in the position in which it was marching - in overcoats, in covers and without any preparations.
A member of the Gofkriegsrat from Vienna arrived to Kutuzov the day before, with proposals and demands to join the army of Archduke Ferdinand and Mack as soon as possible, and Kutuzov, not considering this connection beneficial, among other evidence in favor of his opinion, intended to show the Austrian general that sad situation , in which troops came from Russia. For this purpose, he wanted to go out to meet the regiment, so the worse the situation of the regiment, the more pleasant it would be for the commander-in-chief. Although the adjutant did not know these details, he conveyed to the regimental commander the commander-in-chief’s indispensable requirement that the people wear overcoats and covers, and that otherwise the commander-in-chief would be dissatisfied. Having heard these words, the regimental commander lowered his head, silently raised his shoulders and spread his hands with a sanguine gesture.
- We've done things! - he said. “I told you, Mikhailo Mitrich, that on a campaign, we wear greatcoats,” he turned reproachfully to the battalion commander. - Oh, my God! - he added and decisively stepped forward. - Gentlemen, company commanders! – he shouted in a voice familiar to the command. - Sergeants major!... Will they be here soon? - he turned to the arriving adjutant with an expression of respectful courtesy, apparently referring to the person about whom he was speaking.
- In an hour, I think.
- Will we have time to change clothes?
- I don’t know, General...
The regimental commander himself approached the ranks and ordered that they change into their overcoats again. The company commanders scattered to their companies, the sergeants began to fuss (the overcoats were not entirely in good working order) and at the same moment the previously regular, silent quadrangles swayed, stretched out, and hummed with conversation. Soldiers ran and ran up from all sides, threw them from behind with their shoulders, dragged backpacks over their heads, took off their greatcoats and, raising their arms high, pulled them into their sleeves.
Half an hour later everything returned to its previous order, only the quadrangles turned gray from black. The regimental commander, again with a trembling gait, stepped forward of the regiment and looked at it from afar.
- What else is this? What's this! – he shouted, stopping. - Commander of the 3rd company!..
- Commander of the 3rd company to the general! commander to the general, 3rd company to the commander!... - voices were heard along the ranks, and the adjutant ran to look for the hesitant officer.
When the sounds of diligent voices, misinterpreting, shouting “general to the 3rd company”, reached their destination, the required officer appeared from behind the company and, although the man was already elderly and did not have the habit of running, awkwardly clinging to his toes, trotted towards the general. The captain's face expressed the anxiety of a schoolboy who is told to tell a lesson he has not learned. There were spots on his red (obviously from intemperance) nose, and his mouth could not find a position. The regimental commander examined the captain from head to toe as he approached breathlessly, slowing his pace as he approached.
– You’ll soon dress people up in sundresses! What's this? - shouted the regimental commander, extending his lower jaw and pointing in the ranks of the 3rd company to a soldier in an overcoat the color of factory cloth, different from other overcoats. – Where were you? The commander-in-chief is expected, and you are moving away from your place? Huh?... I'll teach you how to dress people in Cossacks for a parade!... Huh?...
The company commander, without taking his eyes off his superior, pressed his two fingers more and more to the visor, as if in this one pressing he now saw his salvation.
- Well, why are you silent? Who's dressed up as a Hungarian? – the regimental commander joked sternly.
- Your Excellency…
- Well, what about “your excellency”? Your Excellency! Your Excellency! And what about Your Excellency, no one knows.
“Your Excellency, this is Dolokhov, demoted...” the captain said quietly.
– Was he demoted to field marshal or something, or to soldier? And a soldier must be dressed like everyone else, in uniform.
“Your Excellency, you yourself allowed him to go.”
- Allowed? Allowed? “You’re always like this, young people,” said the regimental commander, cooling down somewhat. - Allowed? I’ll tell you something, and you and...” The regimental commander paused. - I’ll tell you something, and you and... - What? - he said, getting irritated again. - Please dress people decently...
And the regimental commander, looking back at the adjutant, walked towards the regiment with his trembling gait. It was clear that he himself liked his irritation, and that, having walked around the regiment, he wanted to find another pretext for his anger. Having cut off one officer for not cleaning his badge, another for being out of line, he approached the 3rd company.
- How are you standing? Where's the leg? Where's the leg? - the regimental commander shouted with an expression of suffering in his voice, still about five people short of Dolokhov, dressed in a bluish overcoat.
Dolokhov slowly straightened his bent leg and looked straight into the general’s face with his bright and insolent gaze.
- Why the blue overcoat? Down with... Sergeant Major! Changing his clothes... rubbish... - He didn’t have time to finish.
“General, I am obliged to carry out orders, but I am not obliged to endure...” Dolokhov hastily said.
– Don’t talk at the front!... Don’t talk, don’t talk!...
“You don’t have to endure insults,” Dolokhov finished loudly and resoundingly.
The eyes of the general and the soldier met. The general fell silent, angrily pulling down his tight scarf.
“Please change your clothes, please,” he said, walking away.
- He's coming! - the makhalny shouted at this time.
The regimental commander, blushing, ran up to the horse, with trembling hands took the stirrup, threw the body over, straightened himself, took out his sword and with a happy, decisive face, his mouth open to the side, prepared to shout. The regiment perked up like a recovering bird and froze.
- Smir r r r na! - the regimental commander shouted in a soul-shaking voice, joyful for himself, strict in relation to the regiment and friendly in relation to the approaching commander.
Along a wide, tree-lined, highwayless road, a tall blue Viennese carriage rode in a row at a brisk trot, its springs slightly rattling. Behind the carriage galloped a retinue and a convoy of Croats. Next to Kutuzov sat an Austrian general in a strange white uniform among the black Russians. The carriage stopped at the shelf. Kutuzov and the Austrian general were talking quietly about something, and Kutuzov smiled slightly, while, stepping heavily, he lowered his foot from the footrest, as if these 2,000 people were not there, who were looking at him and the regimental commander without breathing .
A shout of command was heard, and again the regiment trembled with a ringing sound, putting itself on guard. In the dead silence the weak voice of the commander-in-chief was heard. The regiment barked: “We wish you good health, yours!” And again everything froze. At first, Kutuzov stood in one place while the regiment moved; then Kutuzov, next to the white general, on foot, accompanied by his retinue, began to walk along the ranks.
By the way the regimental commander saluted the commander-in-chief, glaring at him with his eyes, stretching out and getting closer, how he leaned forward and followed the generals along the ranks, barely maintaining a trembling movement, how he jumped at every word and movement of the commander-in-chief, it was clear that he was fulfilling his duties subordinate with even greater pleasure than the duties of a superior. The regiment, thanks to the rigor and diligence of the regimental commander, was in excellent condition compared to others who came to Braunau at the same time. There were only 217 people who were retarded and sick. And everything was fine, except for the shoes.
Kutuzov walked through the ranks, stopping occasionally and speaking a few kind words to the officers whom he knew from Turkish war, and sometimes to soldiers. Looking at the shoes, he sadly shook his head several times and pointed them out to the Austrian general with such an expression that he didn’t seem to blame anyone for it, but he couldn’t help but see how bad it was. Each time the regimental commander ran ahead, afraid to miss the commander-in-chief's word regarding the regiment. Behind Kutuzov, at such a distance that any faintly spoken word could be heard, walked about 20 people in his retinue. The gentlemen of the retinue talked among themselves and sometimes laughed. The handsome adjutant walked closest to the commander-in-chief. It was Prince Bolkonsky. Next to him walked his comrade Nesvitsky, a tall staff officer, extremely fat, with a kind and smiling handsome face and moist eyes; Nesvitsky could hardly restrain himself from laughing, excited by the blackish hussar officer walking next to him. The hussar officer, without smiling, without changing the expression of his fixed eyes, looked with a serious face at the back of the regimental commander and imitated his every movement. Every time the regimental commander flinched and bent forward, in exactly the same way, in exactly the same way, the hussar officer flinched and bent forward. Nesvitsky laughed and pushed others to look at the funny man.
Kutuzov walked slowly and sluggishly past thousands of eyes that rolled out of their sockets, watching their boss. Having caught up with the 3rd company, he suddenly stopped. The retinue, not anticipating this stop, involuntarily moved towards him.
- Ah, Timokhin! - said the commander-in-chief, recognizing the captain with the red nose, who suffered for his blue overcoat.
It seemed that it was impossible to stretch out more than Timokhin stretched out, while the regimental commander reprimanded him. But at that moment the commander-in-chief addressed him, the captain stood up straight so that it seemed that if the commander-in-chief had looked at him for a little longer, the captain would not have been able to stand it; and therefore Kutuzov, apparently understanding his position and wishing, on the contrary, all the best for the captain, hastily turned away. A barely noticeable smile ran across Kutuzov’s plump, wound-disfigured face.
“Another Izmailovo comrade,” he said. - Brave officer! Are you happy with it? – Kutuzov asked the regimental commander.
And the regimental commander, reflected as in a mirror, invisible to himself, in a hussar officer, shuddered, came forward and answered:
- I am very pleased, Your Excellency.
“We are all not without weaknesses,” said Kutuzov, smiling and moving away from him. “He had a devotion to Bacchus.
The regimental commander was afraid that he was to blame for this, and did not answer anything. The officer at that moment noticed the captain’s face with a red nose and a tucked belly and imitated his face and pose so closely that Nesvitsky could not stop laughing.
Kutuzov turned around. It was clear that the officer could control his face as he wanted: the minute Kutuzov turned around, the officer managed to make a grimace, and after that take on the most serious, respectful and innocent expression.
The third company was the last, and Kutuzov thought about it, apparently remembering something. Prince Andrei stepped out from his retinue and said quietly in French:
– You ordered a reminder about Dolokhov, who was demoted, in this regiment.
-Where is Dolokhov? – asked Kutuzov.
Dolokhov, already dressed in a soldier’s gray overcoat, did not wait to be called. The slender figure of a blond soldier with clear blue eyes stepped out from the front. He approached the commander-in-chief and put him on guard.
- Claim? – Kutuzov asked, frowning slightly.
“This is Dolokhov,” said Prince Andrei.
- A! - said Kutuzov. “I hope this lesson will correct you, serve well.” The Lord is merciful. And I will not forget you if you deserve it.
Blue, clear eyes looked at the commander-in-chief as defiantly as at the regimental commander, as if with their expression they were tearing apart the veil of convention that so far separated the commander-in-chief from the soldier.
“I ask one thing, Your Excellency,” he said in his sonorous, firm, unhurried voice. “Please give me a chance to make amends for my guilt and prove my devotion to the Emperor and Russia.”
Kutuzov turned away. The same smile in his eyes flashed across his face as when he turned away from Captain Timokhin. He turned away and winced, as if he wanted to express that everything that Dolokhov told him, and everything that he could tell him, he had known for a long, long time, that all this had already bored him and that all this was not at all what he needed . He turned away and headed towards the stroller.
The regiment disbanded in companies and headed to assigned quarters not far from Braunau, where they hoped to put on shoes, dress and rest after difficult marches.
– You don’t lay claim to me, Prokhor Ignatyich? - said the regimental commander, driving around the 3rd company moving towards the place and approaching Captain Timokhin, who was walking in front of it. The regimental commander’s face expressed uncontrollable joy after a happily completed review. - The royal service... it’s impossible... another time you’ll end it at the front... I’ll apologize first, you know me... I thanked you very much! - And he extended his hand to the company commander.
- For mercy's sake, general, do I dare! - answered the captain, turning red with his nose, smiling and revealing with a smile the lack of two front teeth, knocked out by the butt under Ishmael.
- Yes, tell Mr. Dolokhov that I will not forget him, so that he can be calm. Yes, please tell me, I kept wanting to ask how he is, how he is behaving? And that's all...
“He is very serviceable in his service, Your Excellency... but the charterer...” said Timokhin.
- What, what character? – asked the regimental commander.
“Your Excellency finds, for days,” said the captain, “that he is smart, learned, and kind.” It's a beast. He killed a Jew in Poland, if you please...
“Well, yes, well,” said the regimental commander, “we still need to feel sorry for the young man in misfortune.” After all, great connections... So you...
“I’m listening, Your Excellency,” Timokhin said, smiling, making it feel like he understood the boss’s wishes.
- Yes Yes.
The regimental commander found Dolokhov in the ranks and reined in his horse.
“Before the first task, epaulets,” he told him.
Dolokhov looked around, said nothing and did not change the expression of his mockingly smiling mouth.
“Well, that’s good,” continued the regimental commander. “The people each have a glass of vodka from me,” he added so that the soldiers could hear. – Thank you everyone! God bless! - And he, overtaking the company, drove up to another.
- Well, he really good man; “You can serve with him,” said subaltern Timokhin to the officer walking next to him.
Document from the IPS "Code"
Tobolsk province on the eve of 1917
It was no coincidence that the war that broke out in Europe in 1914 was called the Great by its contemporaries. It gave rise to global changes in the world system and radically influenced the fate of Russia - it had a decisive impact on the mechanisms and forms of social reproduction, on mass consciousness and value guidelines, determined the nature and direction of the revolutionary process. However, the regions of the Russian Empire (with their specific pre-war development) World War had different influences. In this regard, the fate of the Tobolsk province is indicative: distant from the front line, industrially less developed, politically inert, it found itself outside the epicenter of the main events of the era, but still experienced their negative consequences.
During the war years, the province continued to be a territory with an extremely low population density - 1.62 people. per 1 sq. a mile, and the bulk of the inhabitants were concentrated along railway- in Kurgan, Yalutorovsky and Ishim districts. Population density had a decisive impact on social development. Thus, the sparsely populated north of the province was still predominantly dominated by patriarchal social relations, subsistence and semi-subsistence farming, while the densely populated south was more economically developed and was influenced by capitalism. However, in the south of the province there were still opportunities for predominantly extensive development of agriculture, and there was practically no excess population.
During the war, there were no changes in the nature of the economic development of the province. It remained peasant both in composition and in the occupation of the majority of the population. This is evidenced by minor changes in the ratio of urban and rural populations. On January 1, 1914 urban population accounted for 6.8% of the province's population, by 1917 - 8%. *1 Not the least role in the process of growing the share of the urban population belonged to refugees and militia warriors.
Despite the conscription of 243.3 thousand people into the army, of which 223.7 thousand people. *2 were rural residents; the population of the region continued to increase during the war years. If in 1914 2103.2 thousand people lived on the territory of the province. *3, then, according to our calculations, by 1917 the population of the province, including those drafted into the army, excluding military losses, amounted to 2160.8 thousand people. The annual population growth in 1914-1916, although it was almost half that of the pre-war period, was about 1%, that is, it remained generally positive. This was greatly facilitated by the rear situation and the fact that before the war the province was a region of intensive development and resettlement.
At the same time, the demographic parameters of the population have undergone noticeable changes. By 1917, the reduction in the male population became a rather acute problem in the province, which had a negative impact on the sex ratio. If in cities, due to the presence of reserves and militia warriors, men numerically predominated, then in 1916 and 1917. In rural areas surveyed by agricultural censuses, women were in the lead (for every hundred men - 120 and 128 women, respectively *4). The “average” peasant family, numbering slightly more than 6 souls in 1914, was reduced to 5 people by 1917. *5 There has also been a trend towards a decrease in the birth rate and an increase in the death rate of the population. This could not but affect the quantity and quality of the labor force, and as a consequence, the rate of development of the region’s economy. At the same time, negative trends manifested themselves here to a lesser extent compared to European Russia.
In general, the positive dynamics of agricultural development have been maintained in the province. Despite a noticeable decrease in the growth rate of sown areas (in 1911-1913, sown areas increased by 8%, and by 1917 - only by 5.2 percent) *6, there was an increase in the gross harvest of grain crops, primarily wheat and oats and rye (average annual indicators for 1914-1917 were higher than those in 1910-1913 by 58%). We find an explanation for this in the pricing policy of the state during the war years, in the desire of the peasantry of the Tobolsk province to make maximum use of market conditions. The abolition of the “Chelyabinsk tariff change” on the eve of the war, favorable weather(except for 1915) and partial compensation for the loss of men through the use of prisoner-of-war labor. As a result, Tobolsk province, like other areas Western Siberia, during the war years not only provided itself with bread, but also had significant surpluses. Excess bread from the harvests of 1916 and 1917. amounted to 30.2 million poods, while the neighboring Ural provinces experienced a deficit of 17 million poods. *7 The main areas of commercial agriculture were Kurgan, Tyukalinsky, Ishimsky
counties. Although the growth in crop area lagged behind the growth in the number of peasant farms (5% versus 10%), the tendency towards the total ruin of peasants in the province was weakly expressed.
The changes that occurred during the war in the livestock industry are reflected in livestock statistics much less clearly than in agriculture statistics. Absolute data from provincial statistics and the censuses of 1916 and 1917 are practically incomparable and do not allow one to identify dynamics, and therefore comparisons are possible only with a significant degree of conditionality. An analysis of available sources suggests that the conclusions of some researchers, both about a significant reduction in the number of livestock and about its sharp increase by 1917, seem doubtful.
During the war, the structure of the herd changed, and the percentage of different groups of livestock was redistributed. In connection with the requisition of cattle and horses, the peasantry of the province relied on small livestock and young animals. The share of both increased in 1916. With a decrease for 1913-1916. the share of horses in the herd by 9.3%, the share of sheep, goats, and pigs increased by 8.4%. A slight decrease in the share of cattle (0.1%) indicated that the peasant farm maintained its dairy and meat production.
The World War did not change the orientation industrial production Tobolsk province for the processing of agricultural products, as well as the dominance of small forms of industry. These circumstances, as well as the conjuncture of the time (military orders) determined the preferential development of leather, sheepskin and fur coats, meat canning, flour-grinding and butter production, that is, industries that preserved the development of the province as an agricultural raw material appendage. The needs of the war caused the expansion of old and the opening of new enterprises in the province, most of which were small enterprises, as well as workshops with a small number of workers and low mechanization of labor.
The numerical predominance of small, handicraft and handicraft industries, and the slight growth of the urban population indicated that the economy of the province had just embarked on the path of modernization. Unlike other regions of Siberia, during the war years the activity of large monopolistic associations did not manifest itself in the Tobolsk province. No new industrial centers arose, and the main production was concentrated in the already established ones - in the Tyumen and Kurgan districts. In addition, the war led to a decline in the importance of a number of trades and occupations of the population that played important role in the regional economy in up to war time(fishing, fur, carpet, forestry).
Being an agricultural region, Tobolsk province, however, faced problems in 1914-1917. with rising food prices. The reason, in our opinion, was the disorganization of economic relations at the micro and macro levels as a result of the war, as well as the ineffective, poorly thought out and organized policy of the center. The rise in high prices was also an indicator of the immaturity of the country's capitalist development.
At first, the rise in prices of basic products was caused by a disruption in the normal exchange between city and countryside, the activities of intermediary buyers in conditions of increasing demand for food from the army (especially in the Urals, Petrograd and other industrial centers). Imported goods increased in price most significantly: sugar, tobacco, soap (almost doubled), salt (tripled). *8 Despite the excess food supplies in the region, the increase in food prices was noticeable. According to city government data, in January-March 1915 prices increased on average in the province by 22%, and by October-November - by another 40%. *9 This becomes especially surprising when we consider that the population of the cities was relatively small, and the cities themselves were surrounded by a dense network of villages. The establishment of a fixed price for products by city councils did little to eliminate the problem of high prices: taxable items - meat, bread, butter - were exported to Irbit, Kamyshlov, Yekaterinburg, where prices were higher. There were frequent cases of concealment of goods. The concealment of goods by foreign firms in Kurgan and merchants in the village became public knowledge. Obdorsky, requisition of a large supply of wheat from the merchant Tekutyev. *10 In Yalutorovsky district in 1915, an unofficial joint-stock company was formed to transport oil by cart to Moscow, which was a serious competitor to government agents in procuring oil for the army. *eleven
The creation in 1915, on the initiative of the authorities, of food commissions in cities initially inspired some optimism and gave rise to hopes for changes in solving the food issue. However, it soon became clear that they lacked any real power and ability to influence the situation. This was associated with unrest in Tyumen in January 1916 during the elections of a new food commission. Despite the efforts made by the authorities, the province was shaken one after another by sugar, grain, and meat crises.
The food crisis has become a factor not only in economic but also in social disintegration of society. In the context of a general rise in prices, the figure of the merchant became odious. The press also contributed greatly to the negative perception. Thus, the newspaper “Ermak” called “people of profit” “hungry jackals” and “internal enemies”, *12 and a certain “Everyman” in the “Sibirskaya Trading Gazeta” expressed the opinion that traders themselves inflate prices, justifying this with dubious “world prices” . *13 Since the autumn of 1915, there has been an increase in spontaneous dissatisfaction among the poor population with interruptions in supply and the high cost of basic food products and essentials. In rural areas, protest against the buying up and high prices of food and goods was more often expressed in arson - a specifically peasant form of struggle. The most massive protest here was in May 1916 by desperate peasants. Vikulovsky Tarsky district, which burned 17 houses of local shopkeepers and merchants. *14 Other forms of protest against high prices in the Tobolsk province were combined with demands for increased wages and were of a strike nature.
The establishment of maximum prices for bread and fodder purchased for the army, as well as a ban on the export of a number of products from the province, also played a role in the rise in prices of basic products. The organization of procurement for the army was not systematic and consistent, and the sluggishness and inexperience of government officials in this matter regularly led to missed delivery deadlines and the need to take emergency measures - requisitions, which dealt a noticeable blow to the peasant economy. The state not only revealed its weakness and inability to organize an effective supply of food to the army, but through its unsuccessful measures in the field of food affairs, it destroyed the food market in the country. Despite the fact that in the Tobolsk province neither the city nor the village experienced the famine, the signs of which clearly appeared at the end of 1916 in European Russia, the issue of high prices in the province was much more pressing than other political problems. The failure in organizing the food supply during the war became one of the main factors of dissatisfaction with the existing government and political system of the empire, not only in the center, but also in such a distant agricultural province as the Tobolsk province.
Contrary to the statements of many Siberian scholars of the previous period, we are far from concluding that the preconditions for revolution were taking shape in Siberia during this period. In our opinion, an important issue that requires special consideration and understanding is the problem of changes in the mood of the population that occurred under the influence of the war. Analysis of the sources allows us to identify the main stages of these changes: patriotic upsurge in the initial period of the war, its replacement by “patriotic anxiety” by the middle of 1915 and the growing crisis of power by the end of 1916.
The declaration of war and mobilization initially caused a shock, which in the rural areas of the province resulted in 16 mobilized unrest, the largest of which occurred in the city of Ishim. *15 The protests were not directed against the war, but were accompanied by the destruction of wine shops and demands for food money, *16 which were based on natural human feelings - loyalty to existing traditions and concern for the fate of loved ones. The Tsar's manifesto and the beginning of a propaganda campaign about the reason and goals of the war awakened “popular enthusiasm,” and shock was replaced by a stormy expression of loyal feelings in the reigning house. Jews, Muslims, and Catholics declared their devotion to the Russian state and people. There was not just loyalty to the regime, but a surge of pro-government sentiment, which was expressed both in the participation of almost all segments of the population in collecting donations for various needs, and in the creation of public organizations and committees to help the front. An important feature of this period was the interest in the printed word.
The calls of the Tolstoyan commune (“Come to your senses, brothers and sisters” and “Dear brothers and sisters”) to stop the world massacre sounded in dissonance with the general mood, but they did not receive a wide response. In addition, the less successful situation at the front, contrary to expectations, gave rise to the first doubts about the degree of combat effectiveness Russian army, which still did not become dominant until the end of 1914.
The population had different attitudes towards the war. Part of the peasantry, merchants and industrialists, who benefited from supplies to the army, as well as military orders, which also made it possible for them to avoid being sent to the front, supported the continuation of the war. However, there were other sentiments that were influenced by the unsuccessful conduct of the military campaign of 1915, rising prices and food problems, the influx of refugees and prisoners of war, as well as the disintegration of the supreme power, its unwillingness to take into account the opinion of society and agree to certain reforms.
The heavy and unevenly distributed burden of war caused an increase in spontaneous pacifism and a feeling of rejection of social reality among the peasantry. This was expressed not only in
the spread of negative rumors about events at the front, but also the increase in the number of anti-war and anti-monarchist statements. More and more often, especially in 1916, the motive of the desirability of reprisal against the tsar himself, as the main “source of troubles” and torment of the people, began to be heard. The mood of the village was also influenced by numerous requisitions and collection of arrears. The refusal of peasants, and especially conscript families, to pay arrears, as well as current fees, is becoming widespread. *17 In 1916, the growth of arrears was 33.5% compared to 1914, and government and zemstvo taxes were 84% of the target level. *18
Another manifestation of the special sentiments of the peasantry was the cutting down of state-owned forests, since at the end of the war everyone hoped for the publication of a manifesto on the “addition” of fines and penalties for logging. The fate of the “prohibition law,” which had ideological overtones and was introduced at the beginning of the war, is also indicative. Despite the bans and persecution, underground moonshine brewing took on gigantic proportions in the village. Peasants brewed moonshine even near the provincial center. *19
Distinctive feature public life During the war, the Tobolsk province remained deeply provincial and weakly politically organized in comparison even with the neighboring territories - the Urals and the Tomsk province. The defeat of the Social Democratic organization in the province in the pre-war period, the reduction in the influx of political exiles, and the strengthening of police supervision during the war - all this did not contribute to the widespread dissemination of the ideas of the Social Democrats. The exception was the underground Marxist circle of student youth in Tobolsk in 1914-1915. The Social Revolutionaries preferred practical work in cooperation.
So far, the fact of anti-government and anti-war agitation of revolutionary parties in the province has not been documented, and strikes and walkouts were more likely associated with a general deterioration in the living conditions of workers. Labor protests were seasonal in nature and were overwhelmingly aimed at improving working conditions. During the war, Tyumen and Kurgan were in third and fourth place in the number of strikes in Siberia.
The scale of the tasks posed by the war to the city government, the limited means for their implementation, the inability of the autocracy to wage a victorious war favored the change of “patriotic” sentiments in the urban environment to more moderate ones. As a result, active demands for reforms in city government intensified, although they were not overly radical and did not go beyond the scope of opposition to the regime. The vastness of the region, weak connections due to the lack of developed communications, prevented not only the exhaustion of extensive development in the field of economics, but also the emergence of radically new ideas in the field of thought. Only a narrow circle of liberals in Tyumen and Kurgan, involved in the trends of the times and subject to influences from the center, were able to raise the question of forming a government of people's trust. If the government during the war years, as before, considered centralized government to be the most acceptable for Siberia, then the local liberal public begins to actively speak out for the introduction of zemstvos in the territory of the Tobolsk province and ensuring more effective urban governance. If in European Russia during this period a movement was unfolding against class zemstvos, for the democratization of zemstvo bodies, *20 then the public of the province would consider the mere establishment of zemstvos to be democratization. However, the development by the government of basic provisions on the introduction of zemstvos in the Tobolsk and Tomsk provinces was constantly postponed.
The question of changing the city situation was all the more relevant because the imperial structures in a critical situation did not have the opportunity to establish effective governance of the country and lion's share The costs of maintaining prisoners, housing and providing for refugees fell on the cities. The administration of almost all cities in the province referred to the burden of the city budget with unbearable expenses associated with wartime. *21 Cities quickly exhausted the existing opportunities to increase city revenues, and their city situation did not allow them to establish new ones. So the economic question grew into a question of reform. At the end of 1916, the Tyumen City Duma stated: “The slogan “Everything for war, and then internal organization countries”, adopted by the State Duma
“The slogan is wrong, internal reforms are needed.” *22 However, due to the weak development of the “public element” and the narrow circle of its supporters, the liberal movement in the province was unable to go beyond imitation.
The situation in the province especially worsened in the second half of 1916. Due to the obvious futility and growing unpopularity of the war, special public attention was drawn to the evasion of wealthy citizens from military duty, as well as bribery and embezzlement in the 35th Infantry Regiment in Tyumen. *23 Cases of Siberians fleeing from the front have become more frequent. Lack of reforms and deterioration
economic situation in the country, the severance of economic ties made it almost impossible to support the government. In connection with the requisition for rear work, the foreign population of the province showed dissatisfaction. Despite the difference in social origin and property status, by the end of 1916 a significant part of the population of the province began to view the government as an opposite, opposing camp. The origins of this were not only in the severity of the war, but also in the inability of the government to admit its failure and agree to at least some liberalization of the regime. Thus, the autocracy deprived itself of the support and trust of broad sections of the population.
Economic prosperity did not save the Tobolsk province from political upheavals. February Revolution was greeted with jubilation in the province, whose population, in the hope of changes in public life, expressed their support for the new government. However, more stable economic development did not create favorable conditions for left-wing radicalism and the spread of the ideas of Bolshevism. Thus, the specifics of the development of the Tobolsk province in wartime left its mark on the nature of the political process in the region.
law.admtyumen.ru/nic?print&nd=466200137 |
A hundred years ago these days in Russia they drank a lot, held rallies, wore red bows - they celebrated the revolution in every possible way. Euphoria seemed to sweep across all segments of the population of Central Russia. The Tobolsk province is by no means the outskirts of the empire, but other moods reigned here and for most what happened was a surprise. Here they lived slowly, thoroughly, “with principles.” The candidate told Komsomolskaya Pravda - Tyumen about what the political mood of Siberians was in the years before the “great turning point” historical sciences, leading researcher at the Institute for Problems of Northern Development of the SB RAS Alexey Konev.
Earth and people
- At first XX century, Tobolsk province was at a stage of more active socio-economic development compared to the previous century?
- Yes it is. True, the pace and depth of these changes in different parts regions differed markedly. The province was one of the largest in the Russian Empire in terms of area, occupying a vast territory from the Kurgan forest-steppe to the cold tundra of Yamal, and had a variegated ethnic and religious composition of the population.
The most important transport arteries connecting the south and north remained the rivers - Tobol, Irtysh, Ob. It is no coincidence that shipping has developed rapidly here. The Tobolsk province was the location of large shipping companies and shipyards. Tobolsk North was a major supplier of squirrel fur and valuable fish to the Russian and international markets.
The total fish catch by 1914 reached a record 2 million poods (more than 32 million tons). Fish canning and logging, oil-making, flour-grinding, tanning, distilling, and brewing industries were actively developing. I note that there were few large enterprises; the bulk of the industry was still represented by small handicraft and semi-handicraft establishments.
– What was the population of the province?
– Not very big, even compared to its neighbors. By the beginning of the First World War, there were just over 2 million 103 thousand people, of which about 93% lived in rural areas.
The overwhelming majority of the few inhabitants of the two northernmost districts were “yasak foreigners”: Samoyeds (Nenets), Ostyaks and Voguls (Khanty and Mansi), who led a nomadic and semi-nomadic lifestyle, which in general has changed little since the 18th – 19th centuries. The main occupations of the northerners are fur extraction, reindeer herding, fishing, and collecting wild plants.
The agricultural south was populated mainly by the Russian old-timer population; compact groups of Siberian Tatars and the so-called “Bukharians” lived in five counties. This population experienced a more significant impact of developing capitalism. The growth of Tyumen, Kurgan and Ishim is noticeably accelerating; Tobolsk and Yalutorovsk were growing at a slower pace. In total, a little more than 130 thousand people lived in the cities of the province by 1917 (in 1897 - 87.5 thousand people).
The population growth in the south of the province was facilitated by the active resettlement of peasants from European Russia during the years of the Stolypin agrarian reform, some of whom settled in cities. And yet, the processes of urbanization in our region lagged noticeably not only from the central regions of the country, but also from the nearest Tomsk province, moreover, during the years of the World War, the number of city residents decreased by 10 thousand people.
– The increase in the number of immigrants probably caused some problems in relations with the “locals”?
– Yes, the old-time peasants and foreigners in the areas where the settlers were located were unhappy with this, they had to share their land: the government formed a colonization land fund and introduced new allotment standards here. Because of this, many conflicts arose.
And the settlers expressed dissatisfaction because they were given “inconvenience,” for example, in forested and swampy areas. In addition, the issue of land ownership remained unresolved, which reduced interest in more intensive development of arable land.
Nevertheless, the mass resettlement caused an increase in sown areas (by 30% compared to 1907) and, as a consequence, a noticeable increase in grain harvest. The settlers brought with them new varieties of crops and methods of cultivating the land.
The province has turned into an important grain-producing region. Siberian peasants for the most part were much better off than peasants in most regions of the European part of the country; they were provided not only with land, but also with horses, and had more large and small livestock.
In general, they lived prosperously, which was repeatedly noted by contemporaries.
Urban civilization
– What were the Siberian cities of that era like?
– They made a contradictory impression, even the large and provincial ones, in some of their districts and the way of everyday life of some of the townspeople, rather resembled rich villages, and the small northern ones, like Berezovo and Surgut, were essentially no different from villages. Streets were rarely paved with cobblestones, not to mention asphalt, which by that time had appeared only in St. Petersburg and Moscow as an experiment.
Wooden pavements were a characteristic feature of most Western Siberian cities; drainage was carried out through drainage ditches laid between the roadway and the pedestrian part of the street. The sanitary condition of urban settlements raised many questions and was the object of severe criticism.
At the same time, noticeable changes took place in Tobolsk, Tyumen, Kurgan, and Ishim, affecting their appearance and level of improvement. Firstly, stone house construction has revived. Erected in late XIX- at the beginning of the 20th century, stone buildings, both public and private, still determine the unique charm of the historical quarters of our cities.
More than one hundred and forty stone buildings appeared in Tobolsk between 1904 and 1914. In this indicator, it was little inferior to Omsk, which by that time had greatly surpassed Tobolsk in size. The new building of the Mariinsky Women's Gymnasium, the men's diocesan theological school, became a real decoration.
A water supply system appeared in the provincial capital, with a daily water supply of 110 thousand buckets, and new large public baths. The first electricity was supplied from the generator of the water station in 1908, and a little later a power station with a capacity of 40 kilowatts was introduced.
In Tyumen, power plants operated at shipbuilding and sawmills. By 1912, almost all cities of the province were lighting the main streets with kerosene lanterns. But electric ones, and only 6 of them, were available only in Tobolsk. Cinematography became a new mass entertainment for the townspeople.
By 1910, there were 4 “electric theaters” in Tobolsk, and 3 in Tyumen. In some large Siberian cities, such a remarkable sign of the oncoming modernization appeared as country dachas, which served exclusively for summer recreation, and not for working on the land.
Counting and literacy
– Before the October Revolution, the overwhelming majority of the population in Russia, including Siberia, was completely illiterate. Perhaps that’s why people weren’t interested in politics “in the capitals?”
– This is an incorrect statement. The question is what were the trends in the development of the education system, what level of literacy we're talking about and among which segments of the population. By the way, by 1917 the region was well saturated with educational institutions.
Thus, all levels were represented in Tobolsk educational institutions except for the university. Education could be obtained both secular and spiritual, both classical and applied (real).
In the cities of the province there were secular (district, real, commercial) and religious schools, pro-gymnasiums, and agricultural schools. In rural areas there were parochial and mobile one-class schools. Muslim children learned to read and write in a mekteb. Before the First World War, the country planned to introduce universal primary education, teacher institutes are opening en masse. In 1916, such an institute was organized in Tobolsk.
I would like to note that more than 90% of urban and about 30% of rural children school age in the province they received primary education at this time. There were big problems with attracting children from the peoples of the North to education. Residents of the taiga and tundra, as well as a significant part of Russian peasants, did not see the need for this and were afraid that studying would tear their children away from their usual way of life and would not contribute to acquiring the necessary life skills.
Many peasants taught their children numeracy and literacy at home and believed that this would be enough. The majority of urban residents have formed an idea of the importance of children receiving at least primary education in schools.
– Siberia is still identified with the word “exile”. Hundreds of thousands of convicts were sent beyond the Urals to serve sentences for various crimes. In the Tobolsk province, exiles at the beginning of the 20th century made up 3% of the total population. How did the Siberians react to the presence of so many exiles?
Residents and local authorities were equally dissatisfied with the large number of “shackles.” Among the exiled settlers there were many “political” ones, some of whom were engaged in active propaganda work among students, intellectuals, minor employees, workers and peasants.
During the period of a surge of protest activity during the revolution of 1905–1907. Cells of the main political parties were formed in the province, but not all were able to demonstrate themselves actively enough in the future and act legally.
RSDLP groups were crushed by the police, the largest underground organization of Social Democrats in Tyumen collapsed in 1914. By this time, the Social Revolutionaries had also curtailed their underground activities and concentrated on working in the legal press and consumer cooperatives.
The branch of the Cadet Party arose on the basis of the Tobolsk Union of Civil Freedom. With the support of the liberals, the provincial agronomist and famous public figure N. L. Skalozubov entered the third State Duma.
The local branch of the Octobrist party, supported by the guild merchants, the intelligentsia and some officials, after the defeat in the elections to the Third Duma, practically curtailed its activities. At this time, representatives of the monarchist party “Union of the Russian People” were not successful in the elections from the Tobolsk province.
– It turns out that the majority of the region’s population were of little interest in general political problems?
– The residents of the province were characterized by, as the Social Democrats put it, petty-bourgeois views. This was explained by the insignificant stratum of the large and middle bourgeoisie, the predominance of peasants and petty bourgeois. The majority of local residents, I believe, did not experience a conscious need for radical reforms.
Rather, they were preoccupied with their current problems. The scourge of Siberian life is the arbitrariness of officials. Thus, many were dissatisfied with the judicial system, which they encountered in the analysis of property disputes, family quarrels, and criminal offenses. But in general, people, as a rule, rarely transferred their problems to the political plane.
Extreme irritation with the current government and distrust of it will form in the conditions of a protracted war, under the pressure of economic difficulties and the growing political crisis, under the influence of propaganda from “political” and the mindset of soldiers demobilized from the front.
*The editors of Komsomolskaya Pravda - Tyumen thanks Alexey Konev for the provided photographic materials.
Province of the Russian Empire. Existed from 1796 to 1919. Administrative center- Tobolsk.
The Tobolsk province bordered in the north with the Arctic Ocean, in the northeast with, in the east and southeast with, in the south with and regions, in the west with and, and provinces.
History of the formation of the Tobolsk province
From October 19, 1764 to January 19, 1782, the Kingdom of Siberia existed as part of the Russian Empire (the capital was the city of Tobolsk). The kingdom consisted of the Tobolsk and Irkutsk general governorships.
Then, through the reform of Empress Catherine II, the Siberian kingdom was abolished, and the Tobolsk province during 1780-1782 was transformed into the Tobolsk governorship consisting of two regions (Tobolsk and Tomsk), which became part of the Perm and Tobolsk governor-general.
On December 12, 1796, Russia was formed as an independent administrative unit. According to the Senate report of November 2, 1797, it consisted of the following counties: Kuznetsk, Semipalatinsk, Krasnoyarsk, Ishim, Yalutorovsky, Kurgan, Berezovsky, Tarsky, Turin, Tyumen, Tobolsk, Surgut, Tomsk, Narym, Yenisei, Turukhansky.
In 1802, the Tobolsk province, along with Irkutsk, became part of the Siberian Governor-General. In 1822, the Siberian General Government was divided into West Siberian and East Siberian. The Tobolsk province became part of the West Siberian General Government, which existed until 1882.
On February 26, 1804, part of the territory of the Tobolsk province was allocated to Tomsk province. The following districts remained within the Tobolsk province: Berezovsky, Ishim, Kurgan, Omsk, Tarsky, Tobolsk, Turin, Tyumen and Yalutorovsky districts.
On January 26, 1822, the Tobolsk province was divided into the following districts (districts) (since 1898 - counties): Berezovsky, Ishimsky, Kurgansky, Tarsky, Tobolsk, Turinsky, Tyukalinsky, Tyumensky, Yalutorovsky.
In 1838, the district city of Omsk became part of the Tobolsk province, and in 1868 it was transferred to the newly formed Akmola region.
At the beginning of the 20th century, the Tobolsk province included 10 districts:
| № | County | County town | Area, verst | Population (1897), people |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Berezovsky | Berezov (1,070 people) | 604 442,2 | 21 411 |
| 2 | Ishimsky | Ishim (7,153 people) | 37 604,6 | 269 031 |
| 3 | Kurgan | Kurgan (10,301 people) | 20 281,6 | 260 095 |
| 4 | Surgutsky | Surgut (1,120 people) | 220 452,4 | 7 747 |
| 5 | Tarski | Tara (7,223 people) | 71 542,1 | 159 655 |
| 6 | Tobolsk | Tobolsk (20,425 people) | 108 296,0 | 127 860 |
| 7 | Turin | Turinsk (3,167 people) | 67 008,6 | 68 719 |
| 8 | Tyukalinsky | Tyukalinsk (4,018 people) | 55 049,3 | 208 718 |
| 9 | Tyumen | Tyumen (29,544 people) | 15 608,0 | 121 357 |
| 10 | Yalutorovsky | Yalutorovsk (3,330 people) | 18 944,9 | 188 450 |
Additional materials on Tobolsk province
- Road map of the rivers of Western Siberia: Ture, Tobol, Irtysh, Ob and Tom, 1884. Compiled and checked by the captain of the Kolchin and Ignatov Company steamship “P. Kosagovsky" by A.I. Plotnikov. Scale: 1 verst in half an inch.
- Map of Tobolsk province [Maps]. - 40 versts in an inch (1.7 km in 1 cm). — [St. Petersburg: Resettlement Administration, after 1911]. — 1 k.: color. ; 60x50 (66x54). — Cartogr. grid every 2°. — Installed duty. from Pulkovo. - No relief. Download .
- Lists of populated places of the Russian Empire, compiled and published by the Central Statistical Committee of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. - St. Petersburg: in the printing house of Karl Wulff: 1861-1885.
Tobolsk province: according to information from 1868-1869 / processed by ed. V. Zverinsky. - 1871. - , CCLXXII, 196 p., l. color kart. . Download . - List of populated places in Tobolsk province / ed. Tobolsk province stat. Committee. - Tobolsk: Provincial Printing House, 1912 .- 634, IX p. : table .
- The First General Census of the Russian Empire in 1897 / ed. [and with a preface] N.A. Troinitsky. — [St. Petersburg]: publication of the Central Statistical Committee of the Ministry of Internal Affairs: 1899-1905.
Tobolsk province. - 1905. - , XLVI, 247 p. . - Military statistical review Russian Empire/ published by the Highest Order at the 1st Department of the General Staff Department. - St. Petersburg: in the printing house of the Department of the General Staff: 1848-1858.
Tobolsk province / [compiled based on reconnaissance and materials collected on the spot, under the leadership of the chief quartermaster of the Separate Siberian Corps, General. headquarters of Colonel Baron Silverhelm]. - 1849. -, 87 p., l. table .
ECONOMIC MODERNIZATION OF SETTLEMENTS IN TOBOLSK PROVINCE AT THE END OF THE 19TH – BEGINNING OF THE 20TH CENTURIES.
Tomilov Igor Sergeevich
Tobolsk complex scientific station of the Ural branch Russian Academy sciences
laboratory assistant at the Laboratory of the History of the Development of Siberia
annotation
This article makes an attempt to study the trade and market state in the Tobolsk province at the turn of the 19th – 20th centuries. This period is characterized by the approval of the modernization stage of social development, which gave impetus to the economic development of both the entire country and its individual regions. In general, the results obtained will allow us to judge the influence of the all-Russian industrial boom on the formation of the trade industry of the region under study in the time frame under study.
ECONOMIC MODERNIZATION SETTLEMENTS TOBOLSK PROVINCE IN THE LATE XIX – EARLY XX CENTURIES
Tomilov Igor Sergeevich
Tobolsk integrated research station RAS
lab worker Laboratory history of the development of Siberia
Abstract
This article attempted to review the trading and market conditions in the Tobolsk province at the turn of XIX – XX centuries. This period is characterized by the adoption of the modernization stage of social development that gave impetus to the economic development of both the whole country and its separate regions. Overall, the obtained results allow to judge the national impact of industrial growth on the development of the retail industry in the region under study in the investigated time frame.
The work was supported by the Ural Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences program “Traditions and Innovations in History and Culture” No. 15-13-4-11.
Development of capitalist relations in the second half of the 19th – early 20th centuries. contributed to the formation of a single all-Russian market, which over time included the Siberian network. The expansion of the domestic market became possible thanks to the growth of the commercial and industrial (primarily urban) population; the impulses for the development of trade were the intensive strengthening of commodity-money relations, the beginning of the processes of decomposition of the patriarchal peasant life, as well as a significant increase in the share of crafts and commercial agriculture.
The development of capitalist relations led to the formation of an all-Russian market, into the structure of which the Siberian network was drawn into. The expansion of the domestic market was facilitated by the growth of the urban and commercial-industrial population; the incentive for trade was both the strengthening of commodity-money relations and the beginning of the disintegration of the patriarchal life of the peasants, as well as the increase in the share of commercial agriculture and crafts.
In the last third of the 19th century. There is a noticeable revival of trade operations in the cities of Tobolsk province. Due to the absence until the end of the 19th century. railway lines, insufficient and poorly maintained communication routes, as well as isolation from the largest centers of European Russia, fair (bazaar, market, delivery) trade played a significant role, especially for the northern territories.
In trade by the turn of the century, thanks to Trans-Siberian Railway, there have also been positive developments. Radical transport transformations increased intra-Siberian trade, accelerated the movement of commodity cargo and the circulation of capital in money circulation.
Trade continued to dominate over industry. V.A. Skubnevsky believes that such a disproportion towards trade relations is the result of the fact that it was this industry that attracted more capital, and priority in obtaining bank loans was given to trading firms. Among the cities of the Tobolsk province, Kurgan was considered a trading city, and Tobolsk and Tyumen were considered commercial and industrial centers. Some cities did not have a clearly defined predominant economic direction. Mixed ones were Ishim, Tyukalinsk, Yalutorovsk, Surgut, Turinsk and Berezov. Given this state of affairs, it was natural that representatives of urban entrepreneurs predominated in major cities with a developed structure in farm management. In relatively medium-sized cities with smaller economic development Mostly burghers were elected to public administration bodies.
Siberia, due to established traditions, climatic conditions and autocratic predisposition, it specialized in the production of agricultural products, receiving in exchange for them industrial goods from the center of the country. The development of crafts proceeded extensively and intensively, spreading to the developed territories, moving into more mature forms of industry, thanks to an increase in production output, expansion of the sales market, and separation of industry from agriculture.
By the turn of the century, industry had become one of the main factors in the growth of old and the emergence of new cities in the region. Cities developed multifunctionally, and the commercial and industrial population became increasingly important. In the leading industrial centers (Tyumen, Kurgan), the processes of social classes increased: the proletariat, the bourgeoisie and the middle stratum. In smaller cities, the development of new formations was slower, due to which their economy was a mixed type of industrial and agricultural production. Small towns of the province (Berezov, Surgut, etc.), located in the northern part of the region or floodplains, were considered agricultural settlements - their population was mainly engaged in traditional activities not typical for the city (fishing, hunting, gathering, farming, cattle breeding).
The occupations of the townspeople were typical, mostly related to agriculture, often constituting a subsistence or semi-subsistence economy. This bias towards agricultural sectors led to a shortage of urban land and an increase in trade turnover with the villagers. This gave contemporaries reason to call even some provincial cities “agricultural villages inhabited by bourgeois plowmen and bourgeois artisans with a rather weak admixture of trading merchants.”
The late imperial period is characterized by the dominance of the economic formation of the capitalist type. In the Tobolsk province, a mixed patriarchal-modernization form of industry prevailed, consisting of parallel existence feudal remnants and new technologies being introduced.
Thus, the commercial development of the cities of Tobolsk province in the second half of the 19th – early 20th centuries. largely depended on the economic and geographical location settlement. Cities with a clear industrial bias or agricultural direction, as well as settlements, were identified mixed type, in which, along with agriculture, crafts and crafts, trade played a significant role. In general, the development of cities was under the colossal influence of the processes of penetration and establishment of capitalist relations in Siberia, which transformed the class structure, employment and professional specialization of the urban and rural population of the region. Increase in city budgets by the beginning of the 20th century. was determined by the amount of income associated with commercial and industrial development, which led to an increase in requests and a subsequent increase in expenses. The most prosperous in trade relations There were the last few pre-war years, which became the period of the highest rise of imperial Russia.
Bibliography
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