On March 3, Bulgaria celebrates another anniversary of the liberation of Bulgaria from the Ottoman yoke. On this day in 1878, the Treaty of San Stefano was signed between Russia and the Ottoman Empire, which was supposed to end Russian-Turkish war between the Russian and Ottoman empires.
The reason for the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878. served as an uprising against the Ottoman yoke in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1875-1876) and the April uprising in Bulgaria (1876), drowned in blood by the Turks. By the end of 1877, after stubborn fighting on the Balkan front, Russian troops liberated Bulgaria, and in early 1878 they were already on the outskirts of Constantinople. Bayazet, Ardagan, and the fortress city of Kars were taken on the Caucasian front. The Ottoman Empire recognized itself defeated, and in the town of San Stefano on February 19 (March 3, new style), 1878, it signed a peace treaty with the Russian Empire.
vintage photos today they tell us about how this war of liberation was waged.
Ossetians as part of a special military unit participated in the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-78.
The first Japanese who set foot on Bulgarian soil, Ili I am Markov Popgeorgiev, fought during the war
participant of the Russian-Turkish war in the ranks of the Russian army, as part of the First Bulgarian Legion
at the head of a platoon during the siege of Plevna, major general,
Baron Yamazawa Karan (1846-1897)
The ruins of the church in Sofia and the Russian troops entering the city
Life GuardsFinnishregiment. Souvenir photos with two local children
Officers and non-commissioned officers of the Finnish Life Guards Regiment, participants in the Russian-Turkish war
General Radetsky (center) with a Cossack regiment
Mobile hospital attached to the Russian army
A Russian Cossack is carrying a picked homeless Turkish child
Homeless children in the courtyard of the Russian consulate in Ruse, where they were kept
Russian artillery in positions near Korabiya (Romania)
Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich with officers
Emperor Alexander II with guards at Plevna
Russian troops in front of Odrin, now Turkish Edirne. On the horizon - not St. Sophia in Constantinople, as everyone wants to think, but the Selimiye Mosque
Turkish heavy artillery on the banks of the Bosphorus
Turkish prisoners of war, Bucharest
During the signing of the San Stefano Peace Treaty. The point is almost set, as it seemed then
Count Eduard Ivanovich Totleben with officers. San Stefano. 1878
According to the comrade asteroid_belt in the article Stoyan, who does not remember kinship? , in The memory of those events in Bulgaria has many monuments. Which is not surprising, given that Bulgaria finally gained independence, after almost 500 years of Turkish rule, which lasted from 1396 to 1878.
"Bulgarian, kneel before the Holy Grave - here lies a Russian Warrior who gave his life for our freedom" written on one of the monuments.
By tradition, the main celebrations will be held at the Shipka Pass, where in 1877 Russian troops withstood a bloody months-long struggle on a mountain pass and won one of the key victories.
In 2003, Russian President Vladimir Putin took part in the events held at Shipka on the occasion of the 125th anniversary of the Liberation. After that, on March 29, 2004, Bulgaria became a full member of NATO and Russian high-ranking officials cease to appear at commemorative events. In 2011, Russian Ambassador to Bulgaria Yury Nikolayevich Isakov took part in the festive events in Sofia. But, time goes by, and in 2015 a scandal broke out in Bulgarian society - representatives of Russia were not invited to the celebrations at all.
At the same time, the congratulations of the Prime Minister of Bulgaria Boyko Borisov, published by him on Facebook, caused general bewilderment. "Borisov, in relation to the Turkish yoke, used the word unusual for the Bulgarians in this context "control" , according to the site rb.ru.
And here is a comment-reaction of one of the Bulgarians, given in the same article : "Slavery, Boyko! Slavery! Yoke! 5 centuries of murder, blood tax, genocide! Not foreign control!".
"The recent head of the organization of the Turkish minority in Bulgaria "Movement for Rights and Freedoms" Lutvi Mestan bluntly stated that "Bulgarians have never lived better than during the Ottoman Empire", and then "uninvited (!) invasion of Russia" life has taken a turn for the worse.", reports KP.ru. Nice position, isn't it. It turns out everything was great until vile Russia came. It is a pity that the Bulgarians of the 19th century, who liberated their homeland along with the Russian troops, were not in the know. It is interesting what the Bulgarians of the 21st century think.
And on February 19, 2016, the Bulgarian deputies created a commission "on the study of information about the interference of Russia and Turkey in the internal affairs of Bulgaria", according to the site rus.bg.
In response, at a briefing by the representative of the Russian Foreign Ministry, Maria Zakharova, the following statement (quote) followed:
"The absurdity of this situation is expressed in the most absurd name of the commission. History really knows examples of a kind of so-called "intervention" of Russia in the internal affairs of Bulgaria, when a Russian soldier came to the territory of this country with weapons in his hands in order to resist fascism and liberate his brothers from evil. Earlier - to free the Slavs from the five-century yoke of the same Turkey. We all remember history very well, whoever does not remember can refresh it in their memory. Of course, it remains only to wonder what is the point of once again looking for the notorious "hand of Moscow "in a state whose generations largely owe their sovereignty, their sovereign existence to their brothers? The question is not that we begin to reckon and remind that the Russian people, the citizens of our country, did for Bulgaria. We would never do this and But when such absurd absurd organs arise which, without trying to find out anything, assert things that are obviously false, then Of course, in this situation, recall our joint common history always good.
There is a fear that in the Bulgarian society, at the suggestion of such parliamentarians, politicians, “neo-Maccarthism” may begin. The cynicism of such steps of the initiators also lies in the fact that the notorious Commission was created on the eve of the 138th anniversary of the liberation of Bulgaria from the Ottoman yoke.
It should be noted that p the Bulgarian resident has already called on the EU and NATO "strengthen opposition to the growing aggression on the part of Russia." And Foreign Minister Daniel Mitov stated that "The main threats to the foreign policy interests of the European Union come from Russia and the Islamic State terrorist group". Sanctions, refusal of the agreed laying of the South Stream branch, periodic desecration of the monument to the Soviet war-liberators, etc. etc. How soon will "Turkey" disappear from the name of the commission and "suddenly" it will become clear that only malicious Russia is interfering in the internal affairs of Bulgaria? How soon "suddenly" it turns out that there was no Turkish yoke, and the Bulgarians exclusively prospered in the Ottoman Empire? How soon will it become clear that malicious Russia, having treacherously attacked the peaceful Ottoman Empire, ruined the life of the Bulgarians?
And finally, how soon a galloping crowd of Bulgarians will yell a version of the chant "Muscovites to knives" somewhere in the center of Sofia?
Another accusation of Russia in the occupation of Bulgaria in 1944 was made by the 38-year-old Minister of Foreign Affairs of Bulgaria Daniel Mitov on March 1, 2016 in an article published in the newspaper "24 hours".
Mitov accused the Russian diplomats of an unacceptable tone of speech and expressed the hope that Bulgaria's membership in the EU and NATO “can only enrich the mechanisms and conditions of our dialogue with other countries”. In addition, the Minister stated that “The Bulgarian people remember very well how the Russian liberation troops of 1877-1878, and Soviet occupation that began in 1944."
The reason for Minister Mitov's article was just the cited statement of the Russian Foreign Ministry on February 25, 2016, which expressed concerns about the creation by the People's Assembly of Bulgaria of an Interim Parliamentary Commission to study the facts and circumstances related to allegations of interference by the Russian Federation and Turkey in the internal affairs of Bulgaria.
It is clear that today's Bulgaria is not sovereign. And, perhaps, most of the population does not support the Russophobic course of the government. But, firstly, this should be actively expressed in some way - they will remain silent, nothing will change. Secondly, with the help of propaganda, you can thoroughly rinse the brains of the population in the right direction. Who thought until recently that they would walk around Kyiv f e to a lny processions with portraits of Bandera?
This is not the first time that Bulgarians have stepped on a Russophobic rake. We remember very well that they fought on the side of our enemies in the First and Second World Wars. And how they dealt with the proclaimed ideals of the "Orthodox Slavic brotherhood" when they fought with Serbia in 1885, and then in 1913 again with Serbia, as well as with Montenegro and Greece.
This policy has never led to anything good either for Bulgaria or for the Bulgarian people. I firmly hope that sooner or later, the historical memory of the Bulgarians will be stronger than the Russophobia actively instilled in them today. And this memory will make the Bulgarians realize once again that only the friendship of Russians and Bulgarians has always brought them mutual benefit. And this friendship will revive again and return to the relations between our peoples.
On Tuesday, Bulgaria marked the 137th anniversary of the Liberation of Bulgaria from the Ottoman yoke. On March 3 (February 19, old style), the Treaty of San Stefano was signed between Russia and the Ottoman Empire, as a result of which Bulgaria gained independence. This day is a national holiday in Bulgaria, the event is widely celebrated throughout the country. The representative of Russia was not invited to the celebrations, which provoked a large-scale discussion in the Bulgarian society.
RIA News. Lithograph of 1877 "Battle of Shipka on December 28, 1877 during the Russo-Turkish War"
The celebration of the 137th anniversary of the signing of the San Stefano Treaty took place in Bulgaria without Russian officials. "Neither the Administration of the President of Bulgaria, nor the Ministerial Council, nor the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the country have invited Russian politicians to official events," the Bulgarian publication Blitz comments.
March 3 is a national holiday in Bulgaria, and events dedicated to the Liberation from the Ottoman yoke were held in every city in the country, Vesti.bg reports. Bulgarian Patriarch Neophyte served a memorial service and a thanksgiving prayer service at St. Alexander Nevsky Cathedral in Sofia.
RIA News. Temple of Alexander Nevsky in Sofia, built in the 19th century in honor of Russian soldiers who fell in battles for the liberation of the Bulgarian people from the Turkish yoke. 1985
An official ceremony of raising the Bulgarian flag and laying a wreath at the Monument of the Unknown Soldier took place on Alexander Nevsky Square in Sofia with the participation of President Rosen Plevneliev.
RIA News. Monument to the Russian Tsar-Liberator Alexander II in the center of Sofia. year 2012
A large-scale procession with a 300-meter Bulgarian flag took place in Stara Zagora, where during the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878. fierce battles were fought. Solemn events were held at the Freedom Monument on Shipka, which was erected in honor of those who fell in the battles for the defense of this pass during the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878. The events were attended by deputies of the Bulgarian parliament, mayors of cities, representatives of diplomatic missions and non-governmental organizations, ordinary citizens, soldiers of the guard of honor and a military band (about 150 military personnel in total). Wreaths were laid with military honors at the Freedom Monument. Similar events take place on Shipka every year, and in 2003 Russian President Vladimir Putin took part in them.
The fact that Russian officials were not invited to the celebration of the liberation of Bulgaria from the Ottoman yoke as a result of the Russo-Turkish war caused outrage among Bulgarian social media users.
They write angry posts, post fotozhaby on President Rosen Plevneliev, in which he decides to celebrate without Russia under pressure from the United States, and even write poems in gratitude to the "Russian brothers" for helping to gain independence.
"The Poles did not invite Russia to the events dedicated to the liberation of Auschwitz by the Red Army, which is why the Israeli prime minister did not come to Poland as a sign of solidarity with the Russian president. Today, our Euro-Atlantic authorities do not invite official Russian representatives to celebrate our Liberation from Ottoman slavery through Russian-Turkish war," says Darina Grigorova, historian, associate professor at Sofia University named after St. Clement of Ohrid on your Facebook page.
“It is noteworthy that the increased emphasis on the role of Ukrainian, Romanian and Finnish soldiers who fought for our Liberation. They are presented almost equal to the Russians, who made up 90% of those who fought. Moreover, Ukrainian troops are inseparable from Russian ones when we talk about the period when Ukrainian the nation did not exist. Political correctness does not yet allow us to deny March 3rd, but there have been attempts to manipulate some of its details," writes Dobri Bozhilov, famous in his homeland for his open letters to the authorities. "Yesterday, apart from Sofia and Shipka, there were large-scale celebrations in Staraya Zagora. Such mass events, which are basically an expression of Russophilia (March 3 cannot be a Russophile holiday), during the mass media and government occupation by anti-Russian and foreign puppets, promise public clashes ", - adds Bozhilov.
The fact that the decision not to invite Russian officials to the celebration belongs not to the Bulgarian authorities themselves, but to their American partners, users of social networks publish phototoads.
For example:
The US Ambassador to Bulgaria, addressing President Rosen Plevneliev, says: "Rosene, we forbid you to invite Russians on March 3!" "All right, chief," Plevneliev replies.
Another fotozhaba - on the topic of attempts to distort history (find Vladimir Putin):
"1878, the liberation of Bulgaria from the Turkish presence by US, EU, NATO troops."
There are pictures like this:
"Russian aggressors and Bulgarian separatists in battle with the legitimate Ottoman authorities".
No, in fact, no one invited Recep Tayyip Erdogan to Bulgaria to celebrate the Day of Liberation from the Ottoman Yoke, all the more, defiantly refusing this honor to the Russian president. This information has already been refuted, the ceremony does not imply the presence of the first government officials, quite enough representatives of diplomatic missions. Another thing is that this stuffing immediately caused just the effect that its creators were counting on. Both opponents of this format of celebrations and its supporters evoked a sharp reaction, therefore, such a situation was expected and did not cause surprise. The reason is the position taken by the Bulgarian state leadership towards Russia.
Public reaction in Bulgaria
The reaction might seem strange were it not for the whole logic of events that have taken place since 1991 to the present day. Some observers managed to find an explanation for the mythical visit of Erdogan to the celebration of the Bulgarian Independence Day, if only in the fact that Turkish soldiers died during the war of 1877-1878. more than Russians. Yes, the argument is strong, after all, the Ottomans also fought for Bulgaria, however, they understood it in their own way ... Other people, who still remember the former friendship between the peoples, lamented this tactlessness or stupidity. Still others believed that the Russian leadership was to blame, because it was pursuing a foreign and domestic policy that was not supported by the "civilized world" led by NATO and the United States. In general, for all the absurdity of the information stuffing, it revealed both friends and enemies, and even played some positive role. It turned out that there are many people in Bulgaria who sympathize with Russia today. Otherwise, there would simply be nothing to argue about.
Ministerial Article
Much more resonance than the fake manipulations with the invitation to the celebrations on March 3, caused the statement of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Bulgaria Daniel Mitov, made on the eve of the holiday. This official, who previously leveled the dangers of Russia and the Islamic State, in his article (REGNUM news agency) reproached our country for some kind of “mentoring”. He even recalled the historical duty of the Russians, because it was the Bulgarians who gave them writing and Orthodoxy, and in gratitude they received not only liberation from the Turkish yoke (1878), but also the occupation of 1944, too. And the Bulgarian people remember this. And now, according to Mitov, Russia itself "persistently demands" gratitude, "affecting independence." And, judging by the tone of the minister, it is unlikely that such will wait.
Commission on Russian Intervention
Such a sharp and impartial rebuke arose on the basis of criticism by the Russian Foreign Ministry of the creation in the Bulgarian parliament of a commission to study interference in the internal affairs of the country. What? Russian. The very name of this body raised many questions from M. Zakharova, which she expressed on February 25 at a briefing. Is it a military campaign against the Ottoman Empire? Or maybe liberation from fascism can be called interference in the internal affairs of an independent and proud Bulgaria? Or are there other historical episodes that the public does not know about? Here is the Minister of Foreign Affairs and answered.
"Zigzag" friendship
Bulgaria for five hundred years (from 1396 to 1878) was part of the Ottoman Empire, and this period is defined by the country's historians as a yoke. even talk about public relations between the two countries in that period is not necessary. Modern Turkey in Sofia today is not associated with the former powerful empire that was defeated and collapsed, both at the level of high leadership (which is understandable by diplomatic standards) and among the common people. Almost immediately after the liberation, Bulgaria gained independence, and soon the Coburgs, a monarchical dynasty with German roots, came to power in it. Foreign policy became pro-German, and, accordingly, in both world wars, the country took the side of Russia's opponents. In 1914, the Bulgarian Tsar took the side of the Triple (otherwise Quarter) Union, and in 1941 he supported Hitler. And although the events of World War II in the European Union have already formed an unambiguously anti-fascist approach, the liberation of 1944 is viewed differently by various political forces within the country.
War
Bulgaria is, of course, an ally Nazi Germany was considered, but did not send troops to the eastern front, and the Germans did not particularly insist on this, realizing that due to long-standing historical sympathies, high combat effectiveness in this case cannot be counted on. This satellite turned out even worse for Hitler than Romania, at least there was oil there. When in 1944 Soviet troops entered Bulgaria, there was practically no one to resist them. The tsar was overthrown, the Nazis no longer had the strength to fully occupy the country, and its territory did not have great strategic importance. In general, the liberation of Bulgaria, compared with other countries, cost relatively little blood. Soviet soldiers were greeted with joy by everyone who was not associated with crimes against their own people. Of course, the owners of enterprises and large landowners found themselves in a sad situation, their property was nationalized. However, the new communist authorities in Bulgaria did not commit such a collective farm disgrace as in the USSR, the share of private farms remained high even during the period of “Soviet occupation”, which explains the relative abundance of food.
A look at the socialist past
Of course, as in other CMEA countries, in Bulgaria there were the same problems of shortages, queues, party excesses, ideological oppression, personal unfreedoms and many others associated with communist rule. However, one cannot deny the fact that the "elder brother" of the USSR showed concern not for the robbery of its "vassals", but rather for their integration into economic space formed in Eastern Europe after World War II. To this end, high-tech production cycles, including factories for the production of electronic equipment and components, were deployed in an initially poor agricultural country. As for the agricultural sector, it was guaranteed an immense sales market. Fruits, vegetables, canned food, wines, cigarettes were sold in all stores in the USSR and other socialist countries, the mass buyer got used to them and was very loyal. Today, all this can only be remembered. The industry fell into decline, and agriculture too. The EU has strict quotas that regulate both production and marketing, supermarket shelves are dominated by imported products, and even the same bell pepper is not so easy to get.
Resentment for South Stream
In fact, Bulgaria itself abandoned this project, in connection with which Russia had to turn to Turkey. However, its sudden cancellation and instant reorientation caused some concern. Obviously, it seemed to the country's leadership that they would now begin to persuade, entice and seduce him like a capricious bride, but this did not happen. But there was an opportunity to become a transit country and receive a good guaranteed income without much difficulty ... Gazprom, of course, turned out to be to blame for not showing due perseverance, at least this is how many ordinary Bulgarians psychologically perceive the situation.
Will there be friendship?
If there really was a conflict due to the absence or presence of some invitations to a holiday in honor of the 138th Day of Liberation from the Ottoman yoke, then asking the Bulgarian senior officials who made this or that decision should not be “why?” or “for what?”, but rather “for what reasons?” Friendship between Russia and Bulgaria is quite possible, but only pragmatic. It continues to develop in a zigzag fashion, going up during the implementation of mutually beneficial projects (Burgas-Alexandropoulos oil pipeline, construction nuclear power plant“Kozloduy”, etc.) or down if someone offers something more interesting. Bulgaria has integrated into European structures, although it has received little (if any) dividend from them. But these are already internal affairs, in which Russia fundamentally does not interfere.
Exactly 140 years ago, on March 3, 1878, a peace treaty was signed in San Stefano between the Russian and Ottoman empires, which put an end to the Russian-Turkish war. The result was the appearance on the world map of new independent states - Bulgaria and Montenegro, and international navigation along the Danube was also opened. This date is extremely significant for a number of Balkan states: Serbia, Montenegro, Romania, but the most important anniversary of the signing of the document remains for the Bulgarian society. In this state, March 3 is officially considered Independence Day and is a non-working day.
The Ottoman Empire owned the Bulgarian, Serbian, as well as a number of Montenegrin and Romanian territories since 1382. At the same time, severe restrictions on rights and freedoms were introduced for the Christian part of the population of these lands. Christians were heavily taxed, could not fully manage their property, and did not have the right to personal freedom.
In particular, the Turkish authorities did not hesitate to take Christian children in infancy to work in the Ottoman Empire, while the parents were forbidden to see their sons and daughters later. Moreover, at one time the Turks had the right of the first night to Christian women who wanted to marry other Christians.
To top it off, in most cities in Bulgaria and Bosnia and Herzegovina, Christians were prohibited from living on certain lands.
This policy led to a series of protests against Turkish rule in the 19th century. At the end of that century, Christian Serb uprisings broke out simultaneously in Bosnia, as well as the April Uprising in Bulgaria in 1875-1876. All these speeches were severely suppressed by Turkey, and the Turks distinguished themselves with particular ruthlessness precisely during the suppression of the April uprising, when, according to documents, out of 30 thousand of the total number of those killed during the dispersal of the rebels, only 10 thousand were somehow involved in hostilities against the Ottoman Empire, the rest were either relatives or acquaintances of the rebels. In addition to killings, Turkish military and irregular formations were marked by massive looting of Bulgarian houses and rape of Bulgarian women. These events were dedicated to the picture of the Russian artist-wanderer "Bulgarian martyrs", written in 1877.
Events in the Balkans at that time caused outrage in society different countries peace. This was facilitated by the articles of the American war correspondent Januariy McGahan, who wrote for a series of reports on the crimes of the Turks against the Bulgarians of both sexes.
A number of prominent politicians and artists late XIX century condemned the policy of Istanbul. Among them were writers Oscar Wilde, scientist, politician and revolutionary Giuseppe Garibaldi.
However, Russian society was most outraged by the actions of the authorities of the Ottoman Empire, in which the issues of oppression of the Slavs in the Balkan Peninsula were traditionally perceived painfully.
The uprising in Bosnia and Bulgaria received extensive press coverage. In Russian Orthodox churches and in the editorial offices of newspapers, fundraising began to help the rebels, public organizations helped to accept Bulgarian refugees, in addition, dozens of volunteers went to the Balkans to fight against the Ottomans. For some time, they tried to abandon a direct war with Turkey, since military reform had not yet been completed in Russia, and the economic situation was not very favorable.
In December 1876, Russia, England, France and Turkey held a conference in Istanbul, where the Russian side demanded that the Turks recognize the autonomy of Bulgaria and Bosnia under the protectorate of the world community. The Ottoman Empire defiantly refused this. And in April of the following year, under pressure from public opinion and a number of politicians, Russia declared war on Turkey.
From the very beginning, it was extremely difficult for Russia to develop. With great difficulty, the Russian troops crossed the Danube. In addition, Turkish supporters managed to raise an uprising in Abkhazia, Chechnya and Dagestan. As a result, almost the entire Black Sea coast on the Abkhaz territory was taken by the Turks by the spring of 1877. To suppress these speeches Russian authorities were forced to transfer reinforcements from the Far East.
in the Balkans for Russian army the fighting was also difficult: the lack of modern weapons and problems with the supply of food and medicine to the army affected. As a result, the Russian troops managed to win the key battle of the war and take the city of Plevna only a few months after it began. Nevertheless, the Russian troops, supported by volunteers from among the Bulgarians, Romanians and Serbs, managed to liberate the entire territory of Bulgaria, part of Bosnia and Romania from Turkish rule. The general's divisions occupied Adrianople (modern Edirne) and came close to Istanbul. The commander-in-chief of the Turkish army, Osman Pasha, was captured by the Russians.
The war found a wide response in Russian society. Many people went to participate in hostilities voluntarily. Among them were famous people, including doctors, Sergei Botkin, writers and.
The commander of the 13th Narva Hussar Regiment of the Russian Army, the son of the great Russian poet and prose writer, also took part in the hostilities.
Stolen Victory
After a series of military setbacks, Turkey was forced to hastily conclude peace with Russia. It was signed in the western suburb of Istanbul, San Stefano (now known as Yesilkoy). On the Russian side, the agreement was signed by the former Russian ambassador to Turkey, Count and head of the diplomatic office of the commander-in-chief of the Russian army in the Balkans, Alexander Nelidov. From Turkish - Foreign Minister Savfet Pasha and Ambassador to Germany Saadullah Pasha. The document proclaimed the creation of an independent state of Bulgaria, the Principality of Montenegro, a significant increase in the territories of Serbia and Romania. At the same time, Bulgaria received a number of Turkish territories, where Bulgarians lived before the Ottoman invasion of the Balkans: the Bulgarian territory stretched from the Black Sea to Lake Ohrid (modern Macedonia). In addition, Russia received a number of cities in Transcaucasia, and the autonomy of Bosnia and Albania was formed.
However, a number of European powers did not agree with the provisions of the document, primarily Great Britain. The English squadron approached Istanbul, there was a serious threat of war between the United Kingdom and Russia. As a result, a new treaty was concluded in Berlin, called the Berlin Treaty. According to it, Bulgaria was divided into two parts, one proclaimed an independent state with its capital in Sofia, and the second proclaimed autonomy, but as part of the Ottoman Empire. Also, Serbia and Romania had to abandon some of the acquisitions of the San Stefano Treaty, and Russia was forced to return part of the Transcaucasian acquisitions. However, she retained the historically Armenian city of Kars, which was actively populated by Russian settlers.
Also, under the Berlin Agreement, Austria-Hungary received the right to establish a protectorate over Bosnia and Herzegovina, which eventually became one of the reasons for the First World War.
“The War of Liberation of 1877-78 is considered by a number of historians to be the most just, since after the brutal suppression of the April uprising, it was the all-Slavic rise that became its driving force. This liberation war was started, in fact, by the people, and they won it. And the Treaty of San Stefano fixed the independence of Bulgaria within its historical borders. However, Russia's military victory then turned into a diplomatic defeat and Russian Empire, and Bulgaria,” he argues in an interview with Gazeta. Ru" Bulgarian Ambassador to Russia Boyko Kotsev.
According to him, this was due, among other things, to the fact that the San Stefano Peace was developed by some people, primarily Count Ignatiev, and another delegation was sent to Berlin for negotiations, headed by Count Mikhail Gorchakov. “Being at an advanced age and not having information from his ambassadors, some of whom were engaged not so much in state as in personal affairs, he could not protect the interests of Russia, as a result of which she lost a number of achievements of the war. This also affected Bulgaria, which lost some of its historical lands as a result of the Berlin Diktat, as we called it, forever. Nevertheless, we remember those who made their invaluable contribution to the formation of the Bulgarian state, and since then, Count Ignatiev, who developed the draft San Stefano Agreement, has been considered a national hero of Bulgaria,” Kotsev concluded.
Some historians believe that the reason for the signing of the Berlin Agreement by St. Petersburg was the unwillingness of Russia to fight with England. As a result of the battles of the war of 1877-1878, 15.5 thousand Russian soldiers and officers died, about 3.5 thousand Bulgarian volunteers, in addition, 2.5 thousand militiamen from Serbia and Montenegro were killed.
Bulgarians think differently
Despite the fact that the date of the conclusion of the Treaty of San Stefano is one of the main national holidays in Bulgaria, now there are people in the intellectual and political elite of the country who began to advocate for the removal of references to this event from Bulgarian history textbooks. “In Bulgaria there is a certain stratum of people who are in favor of the broadest cooperation with a number of European countries and with the United States, but they prefer to forget about the role of Russia.
I remember well my conversation with one activist. In front of me, she was indignant that in Bulgaria they dared to put up monuments to Russian soldiers, they, they say, were occupiers and killed the Bulgarians, and did not defend them. And when the Russian Patriarch came to Bulgaria, she was shaking with anger, shouting: “Kakva impudence! Kkva impudence!!!" (What impudence - Bulgarian.). It turns out that the Patriarch had the “impudence” to call Russians and Bulgarians a single people.
“They, these Russians, want to occupy Bulgaria again through the church!” she almost shouted. I dared to object that he meant the Slavic brotherhood, and she replied that, they say, it doesn’t matter, ”said Danko Malinovsky, a traveler and Balkanist, who has Russian and Macedonian roots, to Gazeta.Ru.
Some Bulgarian public figures acknowledge that there are people in the country who do not recognize the significance of the San Stefano Treaty in Bulgarian history, but emphasize that they are in the minority.
“There are such people in Bulgaria, this is about 4% of our society, who are trying to give this event a political and economic flavor, trying to show that at that time Russia had the goal of reaching the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles, and the liberation of the Bulgarians was not interested in it,” says “ Gazete.Ru” Chairman of the Bulgarian national movement “Russophiles” Nikolai Malinov. He stressed that the vast majority of Bulgarians have a completely different position on this matter. “Let's not forget that after the liberation of Bulgaria, Russia actually created the Bulgarian fleet and army, created the constitution of our country and laid the foundations of our statehood. Two years after the end of the war of 1877-1878, the Russians left all this to us and simply left without demanding anything in return. And, of course, we have not forgotten it. Today, up to 100,000 people will come to the Shipka Pass, where one of the key battles of that war took place, to commemorate the dead Russian soldiers and officers, as well as the Bulgarian militias. It is expected that the memorial on Shipka will also be visited, ”added Malinov.
The film "TURKISH GAMBIT" became the most popular and "grossing" film in Russia for last years. It has already been viewed by more than 2 million people. Filmed beautifully. In the film, one of the main characters is General Sobolev. But his real name- Skobelev.
Outstanding Russian commander Mikhail Dmitrievich Skobelev with his corps liberated Bulgaria from the Turkish yoke. Russia in those years extended a helping hand to the fraternal Slavic people. Grateful Bulgaria erected 382 memorial places in his honor: obelisks, monuments, names of streets and squares.
The future commander was born September 17, 1843 in the Commandant's House of the Peter and Paul Fortress, where he the famous grandfather, General Ivan Nikitich Skobelev, was the commandant. His son Dmitry Ivanovich brilliantly continued his military career. Growing up next to his grandfather, the grandson inherited his military talent, love for the soldier and care for him. Skobelev's profession was the defense of the Motherland.
Russian Academy of the General Staff highly appreciated the military talent of Mikhail Dmitrievich Skobelev, calling him "equal to Suvorov". General Skobelev did not lose a single battle, while demonstrating exceptional courage and high military skill. This was especially evident during the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878.
Mikhail's grandfather, Ivan Nikitich, during the Patriotic War of 1812 was an adjutant at Kutuzov himself, rose to the rank of general from infantry, was the commandant of the Peter and Paul Fortress and at the same time an original military writer and playwright. The grandfather was the main figure in the home education of his grandson. After his death, the mother of the young Skobelev decided to send her son to France, where he studied at a boarding school, mastered several languages. Subsequently Skobelev spoke eight European languages(in French, as in native Russian) and could read by heart large passages from the works of Balzac, Sheridan, Spencer, Byron, Shelley. Of the Russian authors, he fell in love with Lermontov, Khomyakov, Kireevsky. He played the piano and sang in a pleasant baritone voice. In a word, he was a real hussar - a romantic in an officer's uniform. Returning to his homeland, Mikhail entered St. Petersburg University in 1861, but soon family traditions took over, and he petitioned the tsar to enroll him as a cadet in the Cavalier Guard regiment. Thus began his military service.
On November 22, 1861, the 18-year-old Skobelev took an oath of allegiance to the sovereign and the Fatherland in front of the formation of the cavalry guards, and with zeal began to comprehend the basics of military affairs. In March 1863, he became an officer, the following year he transferred to the Life Guards Grodno Hussar Regiment, which bore the name of the hero Patriotic War 1812 Y. Kulnev, where he was promoted to lieutenant. In the memoirs of the officers of the Grodno regiment, he remained "a true gentleman and a dashing cavalry officer."
In 1866, Skobelev, having brilliantly passed the entrance exams, entered the Academy of the General Staff. It was the heyday of the academy, in which such prominent military scientists as G. Leer, M. Dragomirov, A. Puzyrevsky taught. But the study was not easy for the temperamental officer, he either worked hard, admiring the teachers with his knowledge, or stopped going to lectures, indulging in bachelor parties. Probably, he would not have been able to complete the course of the academy if it were not for Professor Leer, who divined exceptional military talents in him and therefore took care of him with all his attention. At the request of Leer, Staff Captain Skobelev, upon graduation from the academy, was enrolled in the staff of officers of the General Staff. However, he did not stay there long. At the first opportunity, he asked for the right to participate in combat activities. In 1869, as a representative of the General Staff, he participated in the expedition of Major General A. Abramov to the borders of the Bukhara Khanate. This enterprise was not entirely successful, however, it allowed Mikhail Dmitrievich to get acquainted with Asian ways warfare, strikingly different from those used in Poland. What he saw captured the young officer, and since then Central Asia has been pulling him to itself like a magnet. For participation in the Khiva campaign of 1873, Mikhail Dmitrievich received his first St. George award - the Order of St. George IV degree.
In 1874, Mikhail Dmitrievich was promoted to colonel and adjutant wing, married the maid of honor of the Empress, Princess M. Gagarina, but a cozy family life was not for him. The following year, he again seeks to send him to Turkestan, where the Kokand uprising broke out. As part of the Kaufman detachment, Skobelev commanded the Cossack cavalry, and his decisive actions contributed to the defeat of the enemy near Makhram. Then he was instructed to lead separate detachment act against the Kara-Kyrgyz who participated in the uprising; Skobelev's victories near Andijan and Asaka put an end to the uprising.
Dressed in a white uniform, on a white horse, Skobelev remained safe and sound after the most heated fights with the enemy (he himself inspired himself and others that he would never be killed in white clothes). Already at that time there was a legend that he was charmed by bullets. For his exploits in the Kokand campaign, Skobelev was awarded the rank of major general, the orders of St. George of the 3rd degree and St. Vladimir of the 3rd degree with swords, as well as a golden saber with the inscription "For Courage" adorned with diamonds. The first fame came to him.
In April 1877, the Russian-Turkish war began, in which Russia came to the aid of the fraternal Slavic peoples, and Skobelev decided to take part in it without fail. But in St. Petersburg, an unfriendly opinion had formed about the young general by that time: envious people accused him of excessive ambition. With difficulty, Skobelev achieved an appointment in the Danube Army as chief of staff of the Cossack division, but soon he was sent to be at the headquarters of the commander-in-chief, Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolayevich. When the days of preparing the Russian army for forcing the Danube came, Mikhail Dmitrievich achieved secondment of his assistant to the head of the 14th division M. Dragomirov. The division was instructed to be the first to cross the Danube, and the arrival of Skobelev turned out to be just in time. Dragomirov and the soldiers greeted him as "their own", and he was actively involved in the preparation of the crossing at Zimnitsa. Skillfully organized, on June 15 it was successful, despite the strong resistance of the Turks. After forcing the army of the Danube forward, to the Balkans, the advance detachment of General I. Gurko moved, and on behalf of the commander-in-chief, Skobelev helped the detachment in mastering the Shipka Pass. By this time, large Turkish forces under the command of Osman Pasha launched a counteroffensive against the main forces of the Russian army and organized a strong defense of Plevna, a strategically important fortress and city. Mikhail Dmitrievich happened to become one of the active participants in the epic struggle for Plevna. The first two assaults on the city (July 8 and 18), which ended in failure for the Russian troops, revealed serious flaws in the organization of their actions. Skobelev was given little consolation by the fact that during the assault on July 18, the consolidated Cossack detachment he commanded moved forward further than its neighbors, and during a general retreat retreated to in perfect order. In the interval between the second and third assaults, he proposed to capture Lovcha, an important road junction leading to Plevna. The "White General" led the actions of the Russian detachment that took Lovcha. Before the third assault on Plevna at the end of August, Skobelev was entrusted with the command of a unit of the 2nd Infantry Division and the 3rd Infantry Brigade.. Having shown tremendous energy and putting everyone on their feet, he and his chief of staff A. Kuropatkin brought their troops to the maximum combat readiness. On the day of the assault, Skobelev, as always on a white horse and in white clothes, led the actions of his detachment on the left flank of the advancing troops. His detachment went into battle with music and drumming. After fierce battles with the enemy, he captured two Turkish redoubts and broke through to Plevna. But it was not possible to break the enemy in the center and on the right flank, and the Russian troops received a command to withdraw. This fight brought Skobelev more fame and made his name more famous throughout Russia than all his previous successes. Alexander II, who was near Plevna, awarded the 34-year-old commander with the rank of lieutenant general and the Order of St. Stanislav, 1st degree.(This episode is quite fully shown in the movie "TURKISH GAMBIT").
The sharp increase in Skobelev's popularity was largely due to the originality of his personality and the ability to win the hearts of soldiers. He considered it his sacred duty to take care of his subordinates, whom he provided with hot food in any combat situation. With sincere and emotional patriotic slogans and a lively appeal to the troops, the fearless general influenced them like no other. His associate and permanent chief of staff Kuropatkin recalled: “On the day of the battle, Skobelev seemed to the troops especially joyful, cheerful, handsome every time ... The soldiers and officers looked with confidence at his martial beautiful figure, admired him, joyfully greeted him and answered with all their hearts he is "glad to try" to his wishes, so that they will be great in the upcoming work.
In October 1877, Mikhail Dmitrievich took command of the 16th Army near Plevna. infantry division. Three regiments of this division were already under his command: Kazan - near Lovcha, Vladimir and Suzdal - during the assaults on Plevna. During the period of complete encirclement and blockade of the city, he put his division in order, upset by heavy losses in previous battles. After the capitulation of Plevna, which could not withstand the blockade, Skobelev took part in the winter passage of Russian troops through the Balkans. His order, before setting out into the mountains, said: “We have a difficult feat worthy of the tested glory of the Russian banners: today we are starting to cross the Balkans with artillery, without roads, making our way, in the sight of the enemy, through deep snowdrifts. Do not forget, brothers that we have been entrusted with the honor of the Fatherland. Our holy cause!"
As part of the Central Detachment of General F. Radetsky, Skobelev with his division and the forces attached to it overcame the Imetli pass, to the right of Shipka, and on the morning of December 28 came to the aid of the column of N. Svyatopolk-Mirsky, who bypassed Shipka on the left and entered the battle with the Turks at Sheinovo . The attack of the Skobelev column, carried out almost on the move, without preparation, but in accordance with all the rules of military art, ended with the encirclement of the Turkish corps of Wessel Pasha. The Turkish commander surrendered his saber to the Russian general. For this victory, Skobelev was awarded the third golden sword with the inscription: "For courage.
At the beginning of 1878, Mikhail Dmitrievich, heading the avant-garde corps, ensured the occupation of Adrianople (Edirne). After a short rest, his corps marched on Istanbul (Constantinople), on January 17 broke into Chorla, which is 80 kilometers from the Turkish capital.
In February, Skobelev's troops occupied San Stefano, which stood on the near approaches to Istanbul, just 12 kilometers from it. Exhausted Turkey sued for peace.
Skobelev was appointed commander of the 4th Army Corps stationed in the vicinity of Adrianople. On March 3, 1878, a peace treaty was signed in San Stefano, according to which Bulgaria became an independent principality, Turkey recognized the sovereignty of Serbia, Montenegro and Romania.
After signing the peace Turkish sultan wished to personally meet the Russian White General - Ak Pasha and invited Skobelev to Istanbul. The Turks were very impressed by the fact that the illustrious general knew the Koran and could quote it in Arabic.
The Russian army, under the terms of the San Stefano peace treaty, remained on Bulgarian soil for two years. In January 1879, Skobelev was appointed its commander in chief. As a reward for winning this war, he received the court rank of adjutant general.
The peace treaty signed at San Stefano was quite beneficial for Russia and the Balkan peoples, but six months later, under pressure from the European powers, it was revised in Berlin, which caused a sharply negative reaction from Skobelev. By the end of the 70s, the struggle between Russia and England for influence in Central Asia intensified, and in 1880, Alexander II instructed Skobelev to lead an expedition of Russian troops to the Akhal-Teke oasis of Turkmenistan. main goal The campaign was the capture of the Geok-Tepe fortress (45 kilometers northwest of Ashgabat) - the main stronghold of the Tekins.
After a five-month struggle with the sands and the courageous Tekins, the 13,000-strong detachment of Skobelev approached Geok-Tepe, and on January 12, after the assault, the fortress fell. Then Ashgabat was occupied, and other regions of Turkmenistan were annexed to Russia. On the occasion of the successful completion of the expedition, Alexander II promoted Skobelev to the generals of the infantry and awarded the Order of St. George, 2nd degree.
Alexander III, who ascended the throne in March 1881, was wary of loud fame. white general". The worldview of Mikhail Skobelev was formed a few years before the end of his life. Already at the end of the war in the Balkans, he said: " My symbol is brief: love for the Fatherland; science and Slavdom. On these whales we will build such political power that neither enemies nor friends will be afraid of us! And there is nothing to think about the belly, for the sake of these great goals we will make all the sacrifices. "It was in the last years of his life that the general became close to the Slavophiles and especially I.S. Aksakov, who had a lot of influence on him, which was noticed by his contemporaries. He was brought closer to Aksakov and the Slavophils common views on the foreign policy of Russia, which they all considered unpatriotic, dependent on external influence. This conviction was formed by Skobelev after the Berlin Congress, where the statesmen of the non-belligerent European powers dictated their terms to the victorious Russia. Skobelev was an ardent supporter of the liberation and unification of the Slavic peoples, but without harsh dictates from Russia. It should be noted that his attitude to the Slavs was romantic and altruistic, similar to the position of F.M. Dostoevsky.
In June 1882, he died under very strange circumstances in the Dusso hotel in Moscow. The "paralysis of the heart" was officially registered. But rumors circulated around the Mother See: some suggested that he was poisoned by agents foreign countries or Freemasons, others considered it a political assassination. And until now, the mystery of his death remains a mystery with seven seals...
The funeral of Skobelev resulted in a grandiose popular demonstration. From the Church of the Three Hierarchs to the station, the coffin was carried in their arms. Along the entire movement of the funeral train, to the very homeland of Skobelev - the village of Spassky, to railway Peasants came out with priests - they came out with whole villages, towns with banners and banners.
It would not be an exaggeration to say that Mikhail Dmitrievich could decisively change the course of the entire Russian history. There is no doubt that it was he who would become the Minister of War. And if this happened, then, probably, Skobelev became commander-in-chief during the Far Eastern campaign of 1904-05. And, of course, he would not have missed the victories either at Liaoyang or at Mukden, and would have saved Port Arthur, and the entire campaign as a whole. Then the political situation in Russia would have been completely different and, quite possibly, the development of the country would have taken a more successful course, without the revolutions of 1905 and 1917. But, alas, history cannot be rewritten...
