Meltyukhov Mikhail Ivanovich. Mikhail Meltyukhov - Soviet-Polish wars Meltyukhov Soviet-Polish wars

Mikhail Ivanovich Meltyukhov
Soviet-Polish wars
Military-political confrontation 1918-1939.
Introduction
For a long time now
These tribes are at enmity;
More than once I bowed down under a thunderstorm
Either their side or our side.
Who can stand in an unequal dispute:
Puffy Pole or faithful Ross?
A.S. Pushkin
"To the Slanderers of Russia", 1831
Eastern Europe is divided by an invisible border corresponding to the January isotherm, which runs through the Baltic states, Western Belarus and Ukraine to the Black Sea. To the east of this line, frosty, dry winters prevail, to the west - wet and warm. Accordingly, and climatic conditions in these regions are completely different. It is no coincidence that this air line became the border between two civilizations - the “West” and “Russia”, which entered the historical arena in the 8th and 14th centuries, respectively.1 In cultural terms, the Catholic and Orthodox faiths of Christianity became a clear indicator of different civilizations. Like any other biosphere formation, each civilization strives to expand its habitat. Of course, this unconscious desire is refracted in people’s minds and receives one or another rational (or irrational) explanation. At that distant time, the conversation, as a rule, was about various religious justifications for this external expansion.
Expanding its habitat, “Western” civilization by the 13th century. covered the entire Central and Northern Europe, in the East the conquest of Finland and the Baltic states was underway, in the South-East the conquest continued Crusades, which were supposed to lead to the subjugation of Byzantium and the possession of the Eastern Mediterranean. The Reconquista was underway on the Iberian Peninsula - its reconquest from the Arabs. In the North-West there was a long struggle for the subjugation of Ireland.
The formation of “Russian” civilization in the 13th - 14th centuries took place in a difficult political environment. Split ex Kievan Rus on appanage principalities and their further fragmentation, along with a decrease in the activity of huge masses of the local population, threatened Eastern Europe conquest by its western neighbor. But at that moment the Mongols arrived and the political map changed dramatically: in the Eastern European steppe arose Golden Horde- a great power of its time. And the Russians had a choice. As you know, North-Eastern Rus' entered into an alliance with the Horde, which, according to the tradition of that time, was framed as a vassalage, and South-Western Rus' was eager to join Europe.
At the same time, the history of the Principality of Lithuania began to take off, which managed not only to repel the onslaught of the crusaders, but also to subjugate the central and southern lands of the former Kievan Rus - the Dnieper region and the area between the Pripyat and Western Dvina rivers (the future Belarus). A new state arose, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, which became not only a kind of buffer between the emerging Russia and the West, but also an arena for a fierce struggle between two Christian churches - Catholic and Orthodox. As a result, in 1386, the Krevo Union of Lithuania and Poland led to the fact that the overwhelming majority of the Lithuanian nobility chose Catholicism, and the bulk of the population retained traditional Orthodoxy and gradually took shape in two new ethnic groups - Belarusians and Little Russians living in the Polish-Lithuanian state. Thus, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania turned out to be part of the “Western” civilization - its eastern outpost.
Meanwhile, in the North-East of Rus', based on the mixture of Slavs, Finno-Ugric and Tatars, a new people was formed - the Great Russians (Russians), who created their own socio-political system, built on the basis of the denial of the principle of appanage power - a centralized state with its center in Moscow. Formal independence in 1480 allowed Russia to raise the question of the return of lands that belonged to the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and were inhabited by Orthodox Christians. This, in turn, determined the general vector of relations between Russia and the Polish-Lithuanian state for centuries to come. In 1492-1494, 1500-1503, 1507-1509, 1512-1522. wars were fought, as a result of which Russia regained the Smolensk, Chernigov and Novgorod-Seversk lands. Subsequently, until 1562, the truce agreement was repeatedly extended.
In the 16th century Russia began to subjugate its eastern neighbors, recreating in a new way in the center of Eurasia what was lost due to the collapse Mongol Empire unity. On the western borders, an attempt was made to gain access to the Baltic Sea and resolve the Crimean issue. All this led to a conflict with the Polish-Lithuanian state, which itself had certain plans for both the Baltic states and Crimea. As a result, in the Livonian War, Russia and the Polish-Lithuanian state (since 1569, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth) became rivals. At this time, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was on the rise and Russia had to give in. As a result, on January 15, 1582, peace was concluded in Yam Zapolsky, according to which Livonia and Courland went to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, and Russia transferred small territories north of Polotsk to it.
The crisis that began in Russia late XVI V. was used by the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth to strengthen its influence in the East. From supporting False Dmitry in 1609, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth moved to open war with Russia, covered by the fact that Prince Vladislav was invited to the Russian throne by the Council of Seven Boyars in Moscow. Only the consolidation of Russian society, which had finally found a basis for compromise, made it possible in the 10s. XVII century end the Troubles and fight off their western neighbors. However, under the terms of the Deulin truce, concluded on December 1, 1618 for 14.5 years, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth received Smolensk and Chernigov lands. Recovering from the Time of Troubles, Russia in 1632-1634. tried to return Smolensk, but was defeated. True, according to the Polyanovsky Treaty of June 4, 1634, the Polish side renounced its claims to the Moscow throne.
However, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth itself experienced in the 17th century. difficult time. It, like the entire Western civilization, was affected by the Reformation, which gave rise to unprecedented religious intolerance, which a little later acquired a social connotation. In the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, where many Orthodox Christians lived, it was they who became the object of this intolerance. It is clear that ethnic, religious and social differences had to sooner or later clearly manifest themselves, which is what happened. Already at the end of the 16th century. On the Russian outskirts of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, uprisings broke out repeatedly, but in 1647 the national liberation struggle of Russian Ukrainians began under the leadership of B. Khmelnytsky. The general situation in which Ukraine found itself, sandwiched between the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and Crimea, predetermined the appeal to Moscow for help. On January 8, 1654, the Pereyaslav Rada decided on the confederation of Ukraine with Russia - a new one began Russian-Polish War 1654-1667 As a result, the parties agreed to a compromise, and according to the Truce of Andrusovo on January 30, 1667, Russia returned Smolensk, Seversk land, Left Bank Ukraine and Kyiv. On May 6, 1686, the “Eternal Peace” was concluded, confirming the new border and the transfer of Zaporozhye to Russia.
At the end of the XVII-XVIII centuries. The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth became a weak state and served as a buffer protecting Russia from the West. As is known, a significant part of the events Northern War 1700-1721 took place precisely on the territory of the Russian allied Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Although in the Northern War the Polish king Augustus II was an ally of Russia, this did not prevent the Polish elite from laying claim to Courland and Livonia, refusing to guarantee Russian conquests and from recognizing imperial title Russian monarch. Naturally, it was important for Russia who would become the successor of Augustus II. The main task of Russian diplomacy was to preserve the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and block any attempts to strengthen royalty a weak neighbor is always preferable to a strong one.
In the struggle for the Polish throne, S. Leszczynski, a protege of France and Sweden, and Augustus III, a protege of Russia and Austria, collided. In 1733-1735 Russia took an active part in the War of the Polish Succession, during which it managed to protect the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth from the influence of France. As a result, with the help of the Russian army, Augustus III strengthened on the Polish throne, who was forced to renounce his claims to Livonia and preserve the traditional structure of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The idea of dividing the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, expressed at the same time by Austria, Prussia and Sweden, was not supported by Russia. Subsequently, the Russian Empire preferred to exert behind-the-scenes influence on its western neighbor. Only in 1770 this policy has been changed.
Meanwhile, the Russian Empire managed to achieve recognition of its role as a great European power. If the Northern War became a kind of Russia’s bid for this status, then following the results of the Seven Years’ War of 1756-1763. he was finally assigned to her.
After the death of Augustus III with the Russian financial assistance S. Poniatowski was elevated to the Polish throne - Catherine II needed a calm and obedient western neighbor for the war with Ottoman Empire for access to the Black Sea. In 1768, Russia ensured that non-Catholics in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth were given equal rights with Catholics, but this did not pacify the country. The Bar Confederation organized a fight against the Orthodox population, which also took up arms. In conditions Russian-Turkish War 1768-1774 the lordly confederates actually acted on the side of the Turks. Only in 1772 were they defeated near Krakow. Bound by the war with Turkey, Russia was faced with a choice: either succumb to blackmail from the Prussian king, who proposed dividing the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, or be attacked by France and Austria. On August 5, 1772, Prussia, Austria and Russia entered into an agreement on the division of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Prussia received Gdansk Pomerania and Greater Poland (36 thousand sq. km and 580 thousand people), Austria Lesser Poland (83 thousand sq. km and 2,650 thousand people), and Russia received territory along the eastern banks of the Western Dvina and Dnieper with cities Polotsk, Mogilev and Vitebsk (92 thousand sq. km and 1,300 thousand people). Russia's influence in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth remained.
In the conditions of the war between revolutionary France and Prussia and Austria, Russia tried to prevent the reform of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, and on January 23, 1793, Russia and Prussia signed a second treaty on the division of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Prussia received Gdansk, Torun and part of Greater Poland (58 thousand sq. km), and Russia received Belarus and Right Bank Ukraine (250 thousand sq. km). These events, as well as the revolution in France, stirred up part of the Polish elite, and in 1794 an uprising broke out in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth under the leadership of T. Kosciuszko, which was suppressed by Russian troops. On October 24, 1795, Russia, Austria and Prussia signed an agreement on the final division of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Russia received Western Belarus, Lithuania and Courland (120 thousand sq. km), Austria - Western Ukraine and Krakow (47 thousand sq. km), and Prussia - Central Poland with Warsaw (48 thousand sq. km). Thus, Russia finally returned the territories captured by Lithuania and Poland in the 13th-14th centuries. Now the border of civilizations almost completely coincided with the political borders in Eastern Europe.
However, the solution to the Polish problem did not end there. During the Napoleonic Wars in 1807, the Duchy of Warsaw was restored, becoming an ally of France. It is clear that Russia perceived these actions of Napoleon with distrust, but for now, being forced to conclude an alliance treaty with France, it put up with the situation. As Russian-French relations deteriorated, Russia tried to create a new anti-French alliance with Prussia, Austria and Poland, but nothing came of it, and during the war of 1812, the Duchy of Warsaw, driven, among other things, by revanchist intentions, became an enemy of Russia. As a result of the defeat of Napoleon and the new redistribution of Europe at the Congress of Vienna in 1814-1815. Most of Central Poland was transferred to the rule of the Russian Empire as an autonomous Kingdom of Poland2. That is, Russia for the first time received part of the territory of “Western” civilization, and not just border areas, as was the case in the Baltic states and Finland.
Thus ended the first attempt in the struggle for dominance in Eastern Europe between Russia and the Polish-Lithuanian state. However, as we know, nothing lasts forever, and after the First World War, under the conditions of a new repartition of Europe, Poland was revived, and the general chaos in Eastern Europe again raised the question of who will dominate the region. This book is dedicated to examining this second attempt in the struggle for influence in Eastern Europe. It examines in detail the main stages of Soviet-Polish relations of 1918-1939. from the point of view of the struggle of the parties for the status of a “great power”.
The new battle for influence in the region itself was quite natural. Like any other states, Poland and Soviet Union tried to expand their zone of influence. Unfortunately, this aspiration of the Soviet Union was never recognized in Russian historiography, and as a result, a rather original picture emerged. If all other states in their international policies were guided by their own interests, then the Soviet Union was only engaged in demonstrating its love of peace and fighting for peace. In principle, of course, it was recognized that the USSR also had its own interests, but usually they were discussed so vaguely that it was impossible to understand the motives of the Soviet foreign policy it was almost impossible.
However, the rejection of such an ideological approach makes Soviet foreign policy as understandable as that of any other country. Consideration of the international situation within the framework of historical and political science analysis of the development of systems international relations shows that the Soviet leadership in the early 1920s. faced a difficult but rather traditional problem. During the years of revolution and civil war, the Soviet Union lost its gains Russian Empire position in the international arena and territory in Eastern Europe. In terms of the level of its influence in Europe, the country was thrown back 200 years into the past. Under these conditions, the Soviet leadership could either agree with the regional status of the USSR, or again begin the struggle to return to the club of great powers. Having opted for the second alternative, the Soviet leadership adopted the concept of a “world revolution,” which combined a new ideology and traditional foreign policy objectives to strengthen the country’s influence in the world. The strategic goal of the country's foreign policy was a global restructuring of the system of international relations, which made England, France and their allies the main opponents.
The complex Soviet-Polish relations of 1918-1939, which began and ended with undeclared wars, the initiative of which came first from Warsaw and then from Moscow, were studied in the second half of the 20th century in Soviet historiography, taking into account the political situation. At the same time, all the most complex topics, as a rule, were mentioned in passing, or even simply hushed up. Political changes of the 1980-1990s. both in Poland and in the USSR they gave these poorly studied topics a purely political sound, which made them more of an element of political struggle than an object scientific research. However, over the years scientific circulation Many previously inaccessible documents were introduced, and the disappearance of strict mono-ideological pressure made it possible to study them more comprehensively. In domestic historiography, Soviet-Polish relations in the 1920s - the first half of the 1930s. are much better studied than the relations between the two countries in the late 1930s. First of all, this applies to the study of the events of September 1939 - the first works on this topic appeared only recently3. Therefore, one of the goals of this study is a more detailed and systematic description of the Polish Red Army campaign of 1939 based on available archival documents.
IN last years in Russian literature there is a reassessment of many events in the interwar history of the 20th century. This process also affected the study of Soviet-Polish relations. However, unfortunately, often the main motive here is not the desire to deepen our knowledge about that period, but only the desire to indiscriminately denigrate Soviet foreign policy. For this purpose, as a rule, abstract moral assessments are used, without taking into account the specific historical realities and mentality of the era. Therefore, in our opinion, one should try to take an unbiased look at Soviet-Polish relations in their dynamics through the prism of the development of the Versailles system of international relations and the genesis of the Second World War. The author believes that every state has the right to pursue any foreign policy, but this does not mean that the assessment of this policy should be based only on the political situation. Moreover, it is the long-term perspective that allows a more objective assessment of past events. In addition, one should not break the chain of events, which also distorts their perception. That is why, in our opinion, it is important to consider Soviet-Polish relations over the 21 interwar years.
Thus, before modern Russian historiography The task is to comprehensively study the path along which the Soviet Union managed to go from a pariah of the international community to the second superpower of the world. This will allow, on the one hand, to pay tribute to our ancestors, whose sweat and blood watered this path, and on the other hand, it will give modern Russian society certain guidelines for the future. Of course, solving this problem will require long-term efforts and study of the development of international relations at different levels. Part of this problem is the Soviet Union's bilateral relations with other countries. Relations with its western neighbors, the largest of which was Poland, were important for the Soviet leadership. Moreover, the importance of Soviet-Polish relations was determined by the fact that it was Poland that also sought to achieve the status of a “great power.” That is, in this case we're talking about about considering the relationship between the two neighboring countries striving for the same goal.
It should be noted right away that this study is not about blaming or justifying Soviet or Polish foreign policy. The author believes that both Poland and the Soviet Union each defended their own truth, no matter how far-fetched it may seem to us now. Therefore, the main task of the work was to identify the reasons that predetermined the development of Soviet-Polish relations in 1918-1939, which separated our countries on opposite sides of the political barricades and doomed them to a collision.
Part one
Chaos
(1917 - March 1921)
In 1815 Poland disappeared again from political map Europe. Borders established in Eastern Europe Congress of Vienna, existed until 1914, when the First World War raised the question of a new territorial redistribution. Already on August 14, 1914, the Russian government announced its desire to unite all Poles within the borders of the Kingdom of Poland under the scepter Russian Emperor. For their part, Germany and Austria-Hungary limited themselves to rather general declarations about the future freedom of the Poles without any specific promises. During the war, national Polish military units were created within the German, Austro-Hungarian, Russian and French armies. After the occupation of the Kingdom of Poland by German and Austro-Hungarian troops in 1915, the overwhelming majority of the Polish population came under the control of Germany and Austria-Hungary, which on November 5, 1916 proclaimed the “independence” of the Kingdom of Poland without specifying its borders. The Provisional State Council was created in December 1916 as a governing body. Russia's countermeasure was a statement on December 12, 1916 about the desire to create a “free Poland” from all its three parts. In January 1917, this statement was generally supported by England, France and the USA.
Decay
Meanwhile, in February - March 1917, the political struggle of the liberal parties and government in Petrograd ended with the abdication of Nicholas II and the creation of the Provisional Government and the Soviet system. Already on March 14 (27), 1917, the Petrograd Council declared the right of nations to self-determination, which Poland could also use4. Naturally, on March 17 (30), the Provisional Government also announced the need to create an independent Polish state in a military alliance with Russia. True, the implementation of this statement was postponed until the end of the war and the decisions of the Constituent Assembly5. Like many other abstract principles, the idea of the right of nations to self-determination did not take into account the real complexities associated with the mixed settlement of different ethnic groups in Eastern Europe. However, at that moment it was a very popular idea. True, in Poland the idea of ethno-territorial demarcation with Russia was much less popular than the idea of restoring historical justice by recreating the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth within the borders of 1772. Therefore, already on April 6, 1917, the Provisional State Council announced that it approved the declaration of the Russian Provisional Government, but the lands between Poland and Russia should become the subject of a clarification of interests between Warsaw and Petrograd, and not a unilateral decision of the Constituent Assembly6. The Regency Council, created on September 12, 1917 in Warsaw instead of the Provisional State Council, confirmed this position, although at that moment these statements were a simple declaration, since the territory of Poland was occupied by Germany and Austria-Hungary.
Meanwhile, the widespread popularization of the idea of national self-determination led to the strengthening of centrifugal tendencies in Russia. On March 4, 1917, the Central Rada was created in Kyiv, which included M. Grushevsky, S. Petlyura and V. Vinnychenko, which demanded from the Provisional Government the broadest autonomy of Ukraine and a clear definition of its borders. For its part, the Provisional Government tried to delay the full resolution of these issues until the convening of the Constituent Assembly. This position of Petrograd only radicalized the demands of Kyiv, which in the summer of 1917 began creating its own national army. Growing chaos and intensifying political struggle in Russia led to the overthrow of the Provisional Government on October 25 (November 7), 1917. The Bolsheviks and Left Socialist Revolutionaries came to power and created a new government - Council People's Commissars(SNK). The Declaration of the Rights of the Peoples of Russia, adopted on November 2 (15), 1917, which recognized their right “to free self-determination up to the point of secession and the formation of an independent state,” apparently prompted the Central Rada to declare on November 7 (20) the creation of the Ukrainian People’s Republic (UPR) in within the framework of the all-Russian federation7. Meanwhile, on November 8 (21), the Council of People's Commissars addressed the warring countries with a proposal to conclude peace without annexations and indemnities8. On December 15, a truce was concluded between Russia and the countries of the Quadruple Alliance9. On December 4 (17), the Council of People's Commissars recognized the UPR, pointing at the same time to the inadmissibility of disorganizing the front, disarmament of Russian troops and support for A.M. units. Kaledin and demanding that such actions be stopped within 48 hours. Otherwise, the Council of People's Commissars would consider the Central Rada to be in a state of "war with Soviet power in Russia and Ukraine."10 The First All-Ukrainian Congress of Soviets, which met in Kharkov on December 12 (25), proclaimed the creation of a Ukrainian Soviet republic as part of the all-Russian federation. The peace negotiations that began on December 9 (22) in Brest-Litovsk showed that general declarations of refusal no one is interested in annexations and indemnities.11 The delegation of the Quadruple Alliance insisted on the transfer of 150 thousand sq. km of Russian western lands.Such an openly annexationist program forced the Soviet government to play for time.
At the request of the delegation of the Quadruple Alliance, on December 13 (26), 1917, representatives of the UPR were allowed to negotiate in Brest-Litovsk. On December 20, 1917 (January 2, 1918), the Council of People's Commissars proposed to the Central Rada to begin negotiations on the settlement of relations, which never took place, since Germany decided to play on the contradictions of Petrograd and Kyiv. On January 11 (24), 1918, the UPR declared its independence, which was immediately recognized by Germany. As a result, on February 9, 1918, a peace treaty between the UPR and the countries of the Quadruple Alliance was signed, according to which Kiev received the Kholm region, and Austria-Hungary undertook to prepare by July 31, 1918 a project for separating from Galicia its eastern part, inhabited by Ukrainians, and annex it as crown land to Bukovina. For its part, the UPR was supposed to supply 60 million pounds of bread, 2,750 thousand pounds of meat, 400 million eggs and other agricultural goods and industrial raw materials to Germany and Austria-Hungary in the first half of 1918. Meanwhile, a protest movement against the territorial terms of the agreement with the UPR was growing in Poland. As a result, on March 4, 1918, the Central Rada announced to the Regency Council about the possibility of revising borders in the future.
Having concluded an agreement with the UPR, Germany on February 10 put forward an ultimatum for the Soviet delegation to sign the peace treaty proposed to it. In response, the head of the delegation, L. D. Trotsky, stated that Russia would not sign peace, but would demobilize the army. Soviet delegation left Brest-Litovsk. On February 18, German troops resumed their offensive and occupied the Baltic states. As a result, the Soviet government had to sign a peace treaty in Brest-Litovsk on March 3, 1918, proposed to it by the countries of the Quadruple Alliance. According to the agreement, the RSFSR recognized the independence of Finland and the UPR and had to withdraw its troops from their territory, as well as from Estland and Livonia. The western border of Soviet Russia was established along the line Riga - Dvinsk Druya - Drisvyaty - Mikhalishki - Dzevilishki - Dokudova - r. Neman - r. Zelvyanka - Pruzhany - Vidoml12. Thus, the RSFSR renounced its rights to Poland, which was received favorably in Warsaw. The Regency Council, through the mediation of Germany, invited Moscow to establish diplomatic relations, but the Soviet leadership refused on June 16, 1918, because it did not recognize the Regency Council as a representative of the will of the Polish people, considering it only as an administrative body created by the occupiers13. The Entente did not recognize the Brest-Litovsk Treaty, and on March 6, 1918, British troops landed in Murmansk, marking the beginning of foreign intervention in Russia.

Meltyukhov Mikhail Ivanovich

Soviet-Polish wars

Mikhail Ivanovich Meltyukhov

Soviet-Polish wars

Military-political confrontation 1918-1939.

Introduction

For a long time now

These tribes are at enmity;

More than once I bowed down under a thunderstorm

Either their side or our side.

Who can stand in an unequal dispute:

Puffy Pole or faithful Ross?

A.S. Pushkin

"To the Slanderers of Russia", 1831

Eastern Europe is divided by an invisible border corresponding to the January isotherm, which runs through the Baltic states, Western Belarus and Ukraine to the Black Sea. To the east of this line, frosty, dry winters prevail, to the west - wet and warm. Accordingly, the climatic conditions in these regions are completely different. It is no coincidence that this air line became the border between two civilizations - the “West” and “Russia”, which entered the historical arena in the 8th and 14th centuries, respectively.1 In cultural terms, the Catholic and Orthodox faiths of Christianity became a clear indicator of different civilizations. Like any other biosphere formation, each civilization strives to expand its habitat. Of course, this unconscious desire is refracted in people’s minds and receives one or another rational (or irrational) explanation. At that distant time, the conversation, as a rule, was about various religious justifications for this external expansion.

Expanding its habitat, “Western” civilization by the 13th century. covered all of Central and Northern Europe, in the East there was a conquest of Finland and the Baltic states, in the South-East the crusades continued, which were supposed to lead to the subjugation of Byzantium and the possession of the Eastern Mediterranean. The Reconquista was underway on the Iberian Peninsula - its reconquest from the Arabs. In the North-West there was a long struggle for the subjugation of Ireland.

The formation of “Russian” civilization in the 13th - 14th centuries took place in a difficult political environment. The split of the former Kievan Rus into appanage principalities and their further fragmentation, along with a decrease in the activity of huge masses of the local population, threatened Eastern Europe with conquest by its western neighbor. But at that moment the Mongols arrived and the political map changed dramatically: the Golden Horde, a great power of its time, arose in the Eastern European steppe. And the Russians had a choice. As you know, North-Eastern Rus' entered into an alliance with the Horde, which, according to the tradition of that time, was framed as a vassalage, and South-Western Rus' was eager to join Europe.

At the same time, the history of the Principality of Lithuania began to take off, which managed not only to repel the onslaught of the crusaders, but also to subjugate the central and southern lands of the former Kievan Rus - the Dnieper region and the area between the Pripyat and Western Dvina rivers (the future Belarus). A new state arose, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, which became not only a kind of buffer between the emerging Russia and the West, but also an arena for a fierce struggle between two Christian churches - Catholic and Orthodox. As a result, in 1386, the Krevo Union of Lithuania and Poland led to the fact that the overwhelming majority of the Lithuanian nobility chose Catholicism, and the bulk of the population retained traditional Orthodoxy and gradually took shape in two new ethnic groups - Belarusians and Little Russians living in the Polish-Lithuanian state. Thus, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania turned out to be part of the “Western” civilization - its eastern outpost.

Meanwhile, in the North-East of Rus', based on the mixture of Slavs, Finno-Ugric and Tatars, a new people was formed - the Great Russians (Russians), who created their own socio-political system, built on the basis of the denial of the principle of appanage power - a centralized state with its center in Moscow. Formal independence in 1480 allowed Russia to raise the question of the return of lands that belonged to the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and were inhabited by Orthodox Christians. This, in turn, determined the general vector of relations between Russia and the Polish-Lithuanian state for centuries to come. In 1492-1494, 1500-1503, 1507-1509, 1512-1522. wars were fought, as a result of which Russia regained the Smolensk, Chernigov and Novgorod-Seversk lands. Subsequently, until 1562, the truce agreement was repeatedly extended.

In the 16th century Russia began to subjugate its eastern neighbors, re-creating in a new way the unity lost by the collapse of the Mongol Empire in the center of Eurasia. On the western borders, an attempt was made to gain access to the Baltic Sea and resolve the Crimean issue. All this led to a conflict with the Polish-Lithuanian state, which itself had certain plans for both the Baltic states and Crimea. As a result, in the Livonian War, Russia and the Polish-Lithuanian state (since 1569, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth) became rivals. At this time, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was on the rise and Russia had to give in. As a result, on January 15, 1582, peace was concluded in Yam Zapolsky, according to which Livonia and Courland went to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, and Russia transferred small territories north of Polotsk to it.

The crisis that began in Russia at the end of the 16th century. was used by the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth to strengthen its influence in the East. From supporting False Dmitry in 1609, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth moved to open war with Russia, covered by the fact that Prince Vladislav was invited to the Russian throne by the Council of Seven Boyars in Moscow. Only the consolidation of Russian society, which had finally found a basis for compromise, made it possible in the 10s. XVII century end the Troubles and fight off their western neighbors. However, under the terms of the Deulin truce, concluded on December 1, 1618 for 14.5 years, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth received Smolensk and Chernigov lands. Recovering from the Time of Troubles, Russia in 1632-1634. tried to return Smolensk, but was defeated. True, according to the Polyanovsky Treaty of June 4, 1634, the Polish side renounced its claims to the Moscow throne.

However, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth itself experienced in the 17th century. difficult time. It, like the entire Western civilization, was affected by the Reformation, which gave rise to unprecedented religious intolerance, which a little later acquired a social connotation. In the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, where many Orthodox Christians lived, it was they who became the object of this intolerance. It is clear that ethnic, religious and social differences had to sooner or later clearly manifest themselves, which is what happened. Already at the end of the 16th century. On the Russian outskirts of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, uprisings broke out repeatedly, but in 1647 the national liberation struggle of Russian Ukrainians began under the leadership of B. Khmelnytsky. The general situation in which Ukraine found itself, sandwiched between the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and Crimea, predetermined the appeal to Moscow for help. On January 8, 1654, the Pereyaslav Rada decided to confederate Ukraine with Russia - a new Russian-Polish War of 1654-1667 began. As a result, the parties agreed to a compromise, and according to the Truce of Andrusovo on January 30, 1667, Russia returned Smolensk, Seversk land, Left Bank Ukraine and Kyiv. On May 6, 1686, the “Eternal Peace” was concluded, confirming the new border and the transfer of Zaporozhye to Russia.

Meltyukhov Mikhail Ivanovich Soviet-Polish wars

Mikhail Ivanovich Meltyukhov

Mikhail Ivanovich Meltyukhov

Soviet-Polish wars

Military-political confrontation 1918-1939.

Introduction

For a long time now

These tribes are at enmity;

More than once I bowed down under a thunderstorm

Either their side or our side.

Who can stand in an unequal dispute:

Puffy Pole or faithful Ross?

A.S. Pushkin

"To the Slanderers of Russia", 1831

At the end of the XVII-XVIII centuries. The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth became a weak state and served as a buffer protecting Russia from the West. As is known, a significant part of the events of the Northern War of 1700-1721. took place precisely on the territory of the Russian allied Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Although the Polish king Augustus II was an ally of Russia in the Northern War, this did not prevent the Polish elite from laying claim to Courland and Livonia, refusing to guarantee Russian conquests and from recognizing the imperial title of the Russian monarch. Naturally, it was important for Russia who would become the successor of Augustus II. The main task of Russian diplomacy was to preserve the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and block any attempts to strengthen royal power; a weak neighbor is always preferable to a strong one.

In the struggle for the Polish throne, S. Leszczynski, a protege of France and Sweden, and Augustus III, a protege of Russia and Austria, collided. In 1733-1735 Russia took an active part in the War of the Polish Succession, during which it managed to protect the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth from the influence of France. As a result, with the help of the Russian army, Augustus III strengthened on the Polish throne, who was forced to renounce his claims to Livonia and preserve the traditional structure of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The idea of dividing the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, expressed at the same time by Austria, Prussia and Sweden, was not supported by Russia. Subsequently, the Russian Empire preferred to exert behind-the-scenes influence on its western neighbor. Only in 1770 this policy has been changed.

Meanwhile, the Russian Empire managed to achieve recognition of its role as a great European power. If the Northern War became a kind of Russia’s bid for this status, then following the results of the Seven Years’ War of 1756-1763. he was finally assigned to her.

After the death of Augustus III, with Russian financial assistance, S. Poniatowski was elevated to the Polish throne - Catherine II needed a calm and obedient western neighbor for the war with the Ottoman Empire for access to the Black Sea. In 1768, Russia ensured that non-Catholics in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth were given equal rights with Catholics, but this did not pacify the country. The Bar Confederation organized a fight against the Orthodox population, which also took up arms. In the conditions of the Russian-Turkish War of 1768-1774. the lordly confederates actually acted on the side of the Turks. Only in 1772 were they defeated near Krakow. Bound by the war with Turkey, Russia was faced with a choice: either succumb to blackmail from the Prussian king, who proposed dividing the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, or be attacked by France and Austria. On August 5, 1772, Prussia, Austria and Russia entered into an agreement on the division of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Prussia received Gdansk Pomerania and Greater Poland (36 thousand sq. km and 580 thousand people), Austria Lesser Poland (83 thousand sq. km and 2,650 thousand people), and Russia - territory...

Mikhail Ivanovich Meltyukhov

Soviet-Polish wars

Military-political confrontation 1918-1939.

Introduction

For a long time now

These tribes are at enmity;

More than once I bowed down under a thunderstorm

Either their side or our side.

Who can stand in an unequal dispute:

Puffy Pole or faithful Ross?

A.S. Pushkin

"To the Slanderers of Russia", 1831

Current page: 1 (book has 31 pages in total)

Mikhail Ivanovich Meltyukhov
Soviet-Polish wars
Military-political confrontation
1918 – 1939

Introduction

For a long time now

These tribes are at enmity;

More than once I bowed down under a thunderstorm

Either their side or our side.

Who can stand in an unequal dispute:

Puffy Pole or faithful Ross?

A.S. Pushkin “To the Slanders of Russia”, 1831

Eastern Europe is divided by an invisible border corresponding to the January isotherm, which runs through the Baltic states, Western Belarus and Ukraine to the Black Sea. To the east of this line, frosty, dry winters predominate; to the west, wet and warm winters prevail. Accordingly, the climatic conditions in these regions are completely different. It is no coincidence that this air line became the border between two civilizations - the “West” and “Russia”, which entered the historical arena in the 8th and 14th centuries, respectively. 1
Gumilev L.N. Ancient Rus' and the Great Steppe. M., 1989; Gumilev L.N. Ethnogenesis and biosphere of the Earth. L., 1990; Toynbee A. J. Comprehension of history. Per. from English M., 1991; Gumilev L.N. From Rus' to Russia: essays on ethnic history. M., 1992; Kozhinov V.V. History of Rus' and the Russian Word. Modern look. M., 1997.

Culturally, the Catholic and Orthodox denominations of Christianity have become a clear indicator of different civilizations. Like any other biosphere formation, each civilization strives to expand its habitat. Of course, this unconscious desire is refracted in people’s minds and receives one or another rational (or irrational) explanation. At that distant time, the conversation, as a rule, was about various religious justifications for this external expansion.

The formation of “Russian” civilization in the 13th–14th centuries took place in a difficult political environment. The split of the former Kievan Rus into appanage principalities and their further fragmentation, along with a decrease in the activity of huge masses of the local population, threatened Eastern Europe with conquest by its western neighbor. But at that moment the Mongols arrived and the political map changed dramatically: the Golden Horde, the great power of its time, arose in the Eastern European steppe. And the Russians had a choice. As you know, North-Eastern Rus' entered into an alliance with the Horde, which, according to the tradition of that time, was framed as a vassalage, and South-Western Rus' was eager to join Europe.

At the same time, the history of the Principality of Lithuania began to take off, which managed not only to repel the onslaught of the crusaders, but also to subjugate the central and southern lands of the former Kievan Rus - the Dnieper region and the area between the Pripyat and Western Dvina rivers (the future Belarus). A new state arose, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, which became not only a kind of buffer between the emerging Russia and the West, but also an arena of fierce struggle between two Christian churches - Catholic and Orthodox. As a result, in 1386, the Krevo Union of Lithuania and Poland led to the fact that the overwhelming majority of the Lithuanian nobility chose Catholicism, and the bulk of the population retained traditional Orthodoxy and gradually took shape in two new ethnic groups - Belarusians and Little Russians living in the Polish-Lithuanian state. Thus, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania turned out to be part of the “Western” civilization - its eastern outpost.

Meanwhile, in the North-East of Rus', based on the mixture of Slavs, Finno-Ugric and Tatars, a new people was formed - the Great Russians (Russians), who created their own socio-political system, built on the basis of the denial of the principle of appanage power - a centralized state with its center in Moscow. Formal independence in 1480 allowed Russia to raise the question of the return of lands that belonged to the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and were inhabited by Orthodox Christians. This, in turn, determined the general vector of relations between Russia and the Polish-Lithuanian state for centuries to come. In 1492–1494, 1500–1503, 1507–1509, 1512–1522. wars were fought, as a result of which Russia regained the Smolensk, Chernigov and Novgorod-Seversk lands. Subsequently, until 1562, the truce agreement was repeatedly extended.

The crisis that began in Russia at the end of the 16th century. was used by the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth to strengthen its influence in the East. From supporting False Dmitry in 1609, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth moved to open war with Russia, covered by the fact that Prince Vladislav was invited to the Russian throne by the Council of Seven Boyars in Moscow. Only the consolidation of Russian society, which had finally found a basis for compromise, made it possible in the 10s. XVII century end the Troubles and fight off their western neighbors. However, under the terms of the Deulin Truce, concluded on December 1, 1618 for 14.5 years. The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth received Smolensk and Chernigov lands. Recovering from the Time of Troubles, Russia in 1632–1634. tried to return Smolensk, but was defeated. True, according to the Polyanovsky Treaty of June 4, 1634, the Polish side renounced claims to the Moscow throne,

However, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth itself experienced in the 17th century. difficult time. It, like the entire Western civilization, was affected by the Reformation, which gave rise to unprecedented religious intolerance, which a little later acquired a social connotation. In the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, where many Orthodox Christians lived, it was they who became the object of this intolerance. It is clear that ethnic, religious and social differences had to sooner or later clearly manifest themselves, which is what happened. Already at the end of the 16th century. On the Russian outskirts of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, uprisings broke out repeatedly, but in 1647 the national liberation struggle of Russian Ukrainians began under the leadership of B. Khmelnytsky. The general situation in which Ukraine found itself, sandwiched between the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and Crimea, predetermined the appeal to Moscow for help. On January 8, 1654, the Pereyaslav Rada decided to confederate Ukraine with Russia - a new Russian-Polish War of 1654–1667 began. As a result, the parties agreed to a compromise, and according to the Truce of Andrusovo on January 30, 1667, Russia returned Smolensk, Seversk land, Left Bank Ukraine and Kyiv. On May 6, 1686, the “Eternal Peace” was concluded, confirming the new border and the transfer of Zaporozhye to Russia.

At the end of the XVII–XVIII centuries. The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth became a weak state and served as a buffer protecting Russia from the West. As is known, a significant part of the events of the Northern War of 1700–1721. took place precisely on the territory of the Russian allied Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Although the Polish king Augustus II was an ally of Russia in the Northern War, this did not prevent the Polish elite from laying claim to Courland and Livonia, refusing to guarantee Russian conquests and from recognizing the imperial title of the Russian monarch. Naturally, it was important for Russia who would become the successor of Augustus II. The main task of Russian diplomacy was to preserve the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and block any attempts to strengthen royal power - a weak neighbor is always preferable to a strong one.

In the struggle for the Polish throne, S. Leszczynski, a protege of France and Sweden, and Augustus III, a protege of Russia and Austria, collided. In 1733–1735 Russia took an active part in the War of the Polish Succession, during which it managed to protect the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth from the influence of France. As a result, with the help of the Russian army, Augustus III strengthened on the Polish throne, who was forced to renounce his claims to Livonia and preserve the traditional structure of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The idea of dividing the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, expressed at the same time by Austria, Prussia and Sweden, was not supported by Russia. Subsequently, the Russian Empire preferred to exert behind-the-scenes influence on its western neighbor. Only in 1770 this policy has been changed.

After the death of Augustus III, with Russian financial assistance, S. Poniatowski was elevated to the Polish throne - Catherine II needed a calm and obedient western neighbor for the war with the Ottoman Empire for access to the Black Sea. In 1768, Russia ensured that non-Catholics in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth were given equal rights with Catholics, but this did not pacify the country. The Bar Confederation organized a fight against the Orthodox population, which also took up arms. In the conditions of the Russian-Turkish War of 1768–1774. the lordly confederates actually acted on the side of the Turks. Only in 1772 were they defeated near Krakow. Bound by the war with Turkey, Russia was faced with a choice: either succumb to blackmail from the Prussian king, who proposed dividing the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, or be attacked by France and Austria. On August 5, 1772, Prussia, Austria and Russia entered into an agreement on the division of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Prussia received Gdansk Pomerania and Greater Poland (36 thousand sq. km and 580 thousand people), Austria - Lesser Poland (83 thousand sq. km and 2,650 thousand people), and Russia - territory along the eastern banks of the Western Dvina and Dnieper with the cities of Polotsk, Mogilev and Vitebsk (92 thousand sq. km and 1,300 thousand people). Russia's influence in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth remained.

In the conditions of the war between revolutionary France and Prussia and Austria, Russia tried to prevent reform of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, and on January 23, 1793, Russia and Prussia signed a second treaty on the division of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Prussia received Gdansk, Torun and part of Greater Poland (58 thousand sq. km), and Russia received Belarus and Right Bank Ukraine (250 thousand sq. km). These events, as well as the revolution in France, stirred up part of the Polish elite, and in 1794 an uprising broke out in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth under the leadership of T. Kosciuszko, which was suppressed by Russian troops. On October 24, 1795, Russia, Austria and Prussia signed an agreement on the final division of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Russia received Western Belarus, Lithuania and Courland (120 thousand sq. km), Austria - Western Ukraine and Krakow (47 thousand sq. km), and Prussia - Central Poland with Warsaw (48 thousand sq. km). Thus, Russia finally returned the territories captured by Lithuania and Poland in the 13th–14th centuries. Now the border of civilizations almost completely coincided with the political borders in Eastern Europe.

However, the solution to the Polish problem did not end there. During the Napoleonic Wars in 1807, the Duchy of Warsaw was restored, becoming an ally of France. It is clear that Russia perceived these actions of Napoleon with distrust, but for now, being forced to conclude an alliance treaty with France, it put up with the situation. As Russian-French relations deteriorated, Russia tried to create a new anti-French alliance with Prussia, Austria and Poland, but nothing came of it, and during the war of 1812, the Duchy of Warsaw, driven, among other things, by revanchist intentions, became an enemy of Russia. As a result of the defeat of Napoleon and the new redistribution of Europe at the Congress of Vienna in 1814–1815. Most of central Poland was transferred to the rule of the Russian Empire as an autonomous Kingdom of Poland. 2
For more details, see, for example: History of Russian foreign policy (end of the 15th century - 1917). Book 1. The end of the XV-XVII centuries (From the overthrow Horde yoke before the Northern War). M., 1999; Book 2. XVIII century (From the Northern War to the Russian wars against Napoleon). M., 1998; Book 3. The first half of the 19th century (From the Russian wars against Napoleon to the Peace of Paris in 1856). M., 1995. P. 9-134.

That is, Russia for the first time received part of the territory of the “Western” civilization, and not just border areas, as was the case in the Baltic states and Finland.

Thus ended the first attempt in the struggle for dominance in Eastern Europe between Russia and the Polish-Lithuanian state. However, as we know, nothing lasts forever, and after the First World War, under the conditions of a new repartition of Europe, Poland was revived, and the general chaos in Eastern Europe again raised the question of who will dominate the region. This book is dedicated to examining this second attempt in the struggle for influence in Eastern Europe. It examines in detail the main stages of Soviet-Polish relations from 1918 to 1939. from the point of view of the struggle of the parties for the status of a “great power”.

The new battle for influence in the region itself was quite natural. Like any other states, Poland and the Soviet Union tried to expand their zone of influence. Unfortunately, this aspiration of the Soviet Union was never recognized in Russian historiography, and as a result, a rather original picture emerged. If all other states in their international policies were guided by their own interests, then the Soviet Union was only engaged in demonstrating its love of peace and fighting for peace. In principle, of course, it was recognized that the USSR also had its own interests, but usually they were discussed so vaguely that it was almost impossible to understand the motives of Soviet foreign policy.

However, the rejection of such an ideological approach makes Soviet foreign policy as understandable as that of any other country. Consideration of the international situation within the framework of a historical and political science analysis of the development of systems of international relations shows that the Soviet leadership in the early 1920s. faced a difficult but rather traditional problem. During the years of the revolution and the Civil War, the Soviet Union lost the positions gained by the Russian Empire in the international arena and territory in Eastern Europe. In terms of the level of its influence in Europe, the country was thrown back 200 years into the past. Under these conditions, the Soviet leadership could either agree with the regional status of the USSR, or again begin the struggle to return to the club of great powers. Having opted for the second alternative, the Soviet leadership adopted the concept of a “world revolution,” which combined a new ideology and traditional foreign policy objectives to strengthen the country’s influence in the world. The strategic goal of the country's foreign policy was a global restructuring of the system of international relations, which made England, France and their allies the main opponents.

The complex Soviet-Polish relations of 1918–1939, which began and ended with undeclared wars, the initiative of which came first from Warsaw and then from Moscow, were studied in the second half of the 20th century in Soviet historiography, taking into account the political situation. At the same time, all the most complex topics, as a rule, were mentioned in passing, or even simply hushed up. Political changes of the 1980-1990s. both Poland and the USSR gave these poorly studied topics a purely political sound, which made them more of an element of political struggle than an object of scientific research. However, over the years, many previously inaccessible documents have been introduced into scientific circulation, and the disappearance of strict mono-ideological pressure has made it possible to study them more comprehensively. In domestic historiography, Soviet-Polish relations of the 1920s - the first half of the 1930s. are much better studied than the relations between the two countries in the late 1930s. First of all, this applies to the study of the events of September 1939 - the first works on this topic appeared only recently. 3
Lebedeva N.S. Katyn: a crime against humanity. M., 1994. S. 22-34; Lebedeva N.S. The fourth partition of Poland and the Katyn tragedy // Another war: 1939-1945. M., 1996; Markov A.D. Military-political aspects of the annexation of Western Ukraine and Western Belarus to the USSR // Great Patriotic War in assessing young people. M., 1997; Lebedeva N.S. Poland between Germany and the USSR in 1939 // War and politics, 1939-1941. M., 1999. P. 65-84; Eastern Europe between Hitler and Stalin 1939-1941. M., 1999. pp. 169-197.

Therefore, one of the goals of this study is a more detailed and systematic description of the Polish Red Army campaign of 1939 based on available archival documents.

In recent years, Russian literature has been reassessing many events in the interwar history of the 20th century. This process also affected the study of Soviet-Polish relations. However, unfortunately, often the main motive here is not the desire to deepen our knowledge about that period, but only the desire to indiscriminately denigrate Soviet foreign policy. For this purpose, as a rule, abstract moral assessments are used, without taking into account the specific historical realities and mentality of the era. Therefore, in our opinion, one should try to take an unbiased look at Soviet-Polish relations in their dynamics through the prism of the development of the Versailles system of international relations and the genesis of the Second World War. The author believes that every state has the right to pursue any foreign policy, but this does not mean that the assessment of this policy should be based only on the political situation. Moreover, it is the long-term perspective that allows a more objective assessment of past events. In addition, one should not break the chain of events, which also distorts their perception. That is why, in our opinion, it is important to consider Soviet-Polish relations over the 21 interwar years.

Thus, modern Russian historiography is faced with the task of comprehensively studying the path along which the Soviet Union managed to go from a pariah of the international community to the second superpower of the world. This will allow, on the one hand, to pay tribute to our ancestors, whose sweat and blood watered this path, and on the other hand, it will give modern Russian society certain guidelines for the future. Of course, solving this problem will require long-term efforts and study of the development of international relations at different levels. Part of this problem is the Soviet Union's bilateral relations with other countries. Relations with its western neighbors, the largest of which was Poland, were important for the Soviet leadership. Moreover, the importance of Soviet-Polish relations was determined by the fact that it was Poland that also sought to achieve the status of a “great power.” That is, in this case we are talking about considering the relationship between two neighboring countries that were striving for the same goal.

It should be noted right away that this study is not about blaming or justifying Soviet or Polish foreign policy. The author believes that both Poland and the Soviet Union each defended their own truth, no matter how far-fetched it may seem to us now. Therefore, the main task of the work was to identify the reasons that predetermined the development of Soviet-Polish relations in 1918–1939, which separated our countries on opposite sides of the political barricades and doomed them to a collision.

Part I. Chaos (1917-March 1921)

In 1815, Poland again disappeared from the political map of Europe. The borders established in Eastern Europe by the Congress of Vienna lasted until 1914, when the outbreak of the First World War raised the question of a new territorial redistribution. Already on August 14, 1914, the Russian government announced its desire to unite all Poles within the borders of the Kingdom of Poland under the scepter of the Russian emperor. For their part, Germany and Austria-Hungary limited themselves to rather general declarations about the future freedom of the Poles without any specific promises. During the war, national Polish military units were created within the German, Austro-Hungarian, Russian and French armies. After the occupation of the Kingdom of Poland by German and Austro-Hungarian troops in 1915, the overwhelming majority of the Polish population came under the control of Germany and Austria-Hungary, which on November 5, 1916 proclaimed the “independence” of the Kingdom of Poland without specifying its borders. The Provisional State Council was created in December 1916 as a governing body. Russia's countermeasure was a statement on December 12, 1916 about the desire to create a “free Poland” from all its three parts. In January 1917, this statement was generally supported by England, France and the USA.

Decay

Meanwhile, in February–March 1917, the political struggle of the liberal parties and government in Petrograd ended with the abdication of Nicholas II and the creation of the Provisional Government and the Soviet system. Already on March 14 (27), 1917, the Petrograd Council declared the right of nations to self-determination, which Poland could also use. 4
Documents and materials on the history of Soviet-Polish relations (hereinafter referred to as DMISPO). T. 1. M., 1963. P. 26.

Naturally, on March 17 (30), the Provisional Government also announced the need to create an independent Polish state in a military alliance with Russia. True, the implementation of this statement was postponed until the end of the war and the decisions of the Constituent Assembly. 5
Right there. pp. 35-36.

Like many other abstract principles, the idea of the right of nations to self-determination did not take into account the real complexities associated with the mixed settlement of different ethnic groups in Eastern Europe. However, at that moment it was a very popular idea. True, in Poland the idea of ethno-territorial demarcation with Russia was much less popular than the idea of restoring historical justice by recreating the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth within the borders of 1772. Therefore, already on April 6, 1917, the Provisional State Council announced that it approved the declaration of the Russian Provisional Government, but the lands between Poland and Russia should become the subject of a clarification of interests between Warsaw and Petrograd, and not a unilateral decision of the Constituent Assembly. 6
Right there. pp. 43-44.

The Regency Council, created on September 12, 1917 in Warsaw instead of the Provisional State Council, confirmed this position, although at that moment these statements were a simple declaration, since the territory of Poland was occupied by Germany and Austria-Hungary.

Meanwhile, the widespread popularization of the idea of national self-determination led to the strengthening of centrifugal tendencies in Russia. On March 4, 1917, the Central Rada was created in Kyiv, which included M. Grushevsky, S. Petlyura and V. Vinnychenko, which demanded from the Provisional Government the broadest autonomy of Ukraine and a clear definition of its borders. For its part, the Provisional Government tried to delay the full resolution of these issues until the convening of the Constituent Assembly. This position of Petrograd only radicalized the demands of Kyiv, which in the summer of 1917 began creating its own national army. Growing chaos and intensifying political struggle in Russia led to the overthrow of the Provisional Government on October 25 (November 7), 1917. The Bolsheviks and Left Socialist Revolutionaries came to power, creating a new government - the Council of People's Commissars (SNK). The Declaration of the Rights of the Peoples of Russia, adopted on November 2 (15), 1917, which recognized their right “to free self-determination up to and including secession and the formation of an independent state,” apparently prompted the Central Rada to declare on November 7 (20) the creation of the Ukrainian People’s Republic (UPR) in within the framework of the all-Russian federation. 7
Right there. pp. 162-163; Documents of foreign policy of the USSR (hereinafter referred to as DVP). T. 1. M., 1957. P. 14-13.

Meanwhile, on November 8 (21), the Council of People's Commissars addressed the warring countries with a proposal to conclude peace without annexations and indemnities. 8
Fiberboard. T. 1. pp. 16-17.

On December 15, a truce was concluded between Russia and the countries of the Quadruple Alliance. 9
Right there. pp. 47-52.

On December 4 (17), the Council of People's Commissars recognized the UPR, pointing at the same time to the inadmissibility of disorganizing the front, disarmament of Russian troops and support for A.M. units. Kaledin and demanding that such actions be stopped within 48 hours. Otherwise, the Council of People's Commissars would consider the Central Rada to be in a state of “war with Soviet power in Russia and Ukraine.” 10
Right there. P. 711.

The First All-Ukrainian Congress of Soviets, which met in Kharkov on December 12 (25), proclaimed the creation of the Ukrainian Soviet Republic as part of the all-Russian federation. The peace negotiations that began on December 9 (22) in Brest-Litovsk showed that general declarations of the renunciation of annexations and indemnities are of no interest to anyone. 11
DMISPO. T. 1. P. 192-194; Fiberboard. T. 1. pp. 59-61.

The delegation of the Quadruple Alliance insisted on the transfer of 150 thousand square meters. km of Russian western lands. Such an openly annexationist program forced the Soviet government to play for time.

At the request of the delegation of the Quadruple Alliance, on December 13 (26), 1917, representatives of the UPR were allowed to negotiate in Brest-Litovsk. On December 20, 1917 (January 2, 1918), the Council of People's Commissars proposed to the Central Rada to begin negotiations on the settlement of relations, which never took place, since Germany decided to play on the contradictions of Petrograd and Kyiv. On January 11 (24), 1918, the UPR declared its independence, which was immediately recognized by Germany. As a result, on February 9, 1918, a peace treaty between the UPR and the countries of the Quadruple Alliance was signed, according to which Kyiv received the Kholm region, and Austria-Hungary took upon itself the obligation to prepare by July 31, 1918. a project to separate its eastern part, inhabited by Ukrainians, from Galicia and annex it as a crown land to Bukovina. For its part, the UPR was supposed to supply 60 million pounds of bread, 2,750 thousand pounds of meat, 400 million eggs and other agricultural goods and industrial raw materials to Germany and Austria-Hungary in the first half of 1918. Meanwhile, a protest movement against the territorial terms of the agreement with the UPR was growing in Poland. As a result, on March 4, 1918, the Central Rada announced to the Regency Council about the possibility of revising borders in the future.

Having concluded an agreement with the UPR, Germany on February 10 put forward an ultimatum for the Soviet delegation to sign the peace treaty proposed to it. In response, the head of the delegation, L. D. Trotsky, stated that Russia would not sign peace, but would demobilize the army. The Soviet delegation left Brest-Litovsk. On February 18, German troops resumed their offensive and occupied the Baltic states. As a result, the Soviet government had to sign a peace treaty in Brest-Litovsk on March 3, 1918, proposed to it by the countries of the Quadruple Alliance. According to the agreement, the RSFSR recognized the independence of Finland and the UPR and had to withdraw its troops from their territory, as well as from Estland and Livonia. The western border of Soviet Russia was established along the line Riga - Dvinsk - Druya - Drisvyaty - Mikhalishki - Dzevilishki - Dokudova - r. Neman - r. Zelvyanka – Pruzhany – Vidoml. 12
Fiberboard. T. 1. P. 119-204,437-453; Savchenko V.N. East Slavic-Polish borderland 1918-1921. (Ethnosocial situation and state-political demarcation). M., 1995. P. 95-102.

Thus, the RSFSR renounced its rights to Poland, which was received favorably in Warsaw. The Regency Council, through the mediation of Germany, invited Moscow to establish diplomatic relations, but the Soviet leadership refused on June 16, 1918, because it did not recognize the Regency Council as a representative of the will of the Polish people, considering it only as an administrative body created by the occupiers. 13
DMISPO. T. 1, pp. 387-388, 395-396; Fiberboard. T. 1. pp. 371-372.

The Entente did not recognize the Brest-Litovsk Treaty, and on March 6, 1918, British troops landed in Murmansk, marking the beginning of foreign intervention in Russia.

Extension civil war in Ukraine and the failures of the UPR troops led to the fact that the Central Rada turned to Germany for support, which immediately sent its troops to its territory. As soon as it became clear that the Ukrainian Red Army could not resist the German units that were quickly moving east, the German authorities dispersed the Central Rada and on April 26, 1918 created a government headed by Hetman P.P. Skoropadsky. On August 29, 1918, in accordance with the requirements of the Brest-Litovsk Treaty, the Soviet government announced the cancellation of all agreements on the division of Poland. 14
DMISPO. T. 1. P. 418-419; Fiberboard. T. 1. pp. 458-460.

As the end of the First World War approached, the Soviet government, wanting to receive more timely information from Warsaw, on October 29, 1918, proposed to the Regency Council to accredit Y. Markhlewski as the diplomatic representative of the RSFSR in Poland. 15
Fiberboard.T. 1. P. 460.

However, this time Warsaw, fearing the strengthening of Bolshevik influence, remained silent. 16
Right there. P. 476.

As the situation worsened in Poland, the social movement intensified. In the fall of 1918, about 12 Soviets arose in the country, in some places Red Guard detachments also appeared, and peasants demanded agrarian reform. All this forced those in power to maneuver.

Meanwhile, the situation of the countries of the Quadruple Alliance was increasingly deteriorating. On October 31, 1918, the revolution began in Austria-Hungary. In Lviv, on October 18, the Ukrainian National Council was created, headed by E. Petrushevich, which proclaimed the Western Ukrainian People's Republic (WUNR), the army of which was created on the basis of Ukrainian military units Austro-Hungarian army. Accordingly, the Polish national movement intensified. On October 1, the National Polish Council was formed in the Duchy of Cieszyn, which announced on October 30 the return of this territory to Poland. 17
Przybylski A. Wars of Polish imperialism 1918-1921. Per. from Polish M., 1931. P. 50-51.

On October 23, the Regency Council announced the creation of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of War, headed by J. Pilsudski, who was at that time imprisoned in the Magdeburg fortress in Germany. On October 25, a Liquidation Commission was created in Krakow, which took over power in Western Galicia on behalf of Polish state. On October 27, the Regency Council announced the creation of the Polish army with the inclusion of all Polish military formations. On November 7, a “people's government” arose in Lublin, which announced the dissolution of the Regency Council, proclaimed civil liberties, an 8-hour working day, the nationalization of forests, grants and primordial estates, the creation of self-governments and civil militia. All other social demands were postponed until decisions of the Legislative Diet. Realizing that power was slipping from their hands, the Regency Council obtained from Germany the release of Pilsudski, who arrived in Warsaw on November 10. Negotiations with the Regency Council and the Lublin government led to the transfer of power to Piłsudski on November 14. On November 22, he signed a decree on the organization of supreme power in the Polish Republic, according to which Pilsudski was appointed “temporary head of state”, who had full legislative and executive powers. In fact, it was about the creation of Piłsudski’s dictatorship, covered by a beautiful position - in late XVIII V. the head of state was T. Kosciuszko.

Mikhail Ivanovich Meltyukhov Soviet-Polish wars Military-political confrontation 1918 – 1939

Introduction

Part I. Chaos (1917-March 1921)

Decay

Mikhail Ivanovich Meltyukhov
Soviet-Polish wars
Military-political confrontation
1918 – 1939